OF THE EXTRATERRESTRIAL PRESENCE:
THE CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRACY AND LIBERTY IN AMERICA
Research Study # 5
Published July 4, 2003, www.exopolitics.org
© Michael E. Salla, PhD
Political management of the extraterrestrial (ET) presence on Earth has evolved during the course of the successive US Presidential administrations that had to deal with the policy issues that arose once irrefutable proof of such a presence was brought to the attention of policy makers. This evolution of responses by Presidential administrations can be broken into five historic phases which demonstrate a gradual erosion of Presidential/executive oversight, and the growing autonomy/independence of clandestine organizations embedded in military-intelligence and national security branches of government. This erosion of Presidential/executive oversight in the form of ultimate control of the ET presence being gradually taken away from elected Presidents and/or their congressionally approved political appointments appears to have all the characteristics of a 'political coup'. Presidents, in the case of Republicans, have been reduced to rubber stamps for those controlling political management of ET issues; or, in the case of Democratic Presidents, to political irrelevance.
In this paper, I will identify the political management approach taken in the various phases of how US administrations/clandestine organizations have responded to the ET presence. I will analyse the gradual erosion of executive oversight of these clandestine organizations, and the latter's increasing influence over the executive branch of government. I will also outline the increased role of Corporate America and the Council of Foreign Relations in politically managing the ET presence. I further examine the most current political management style as evidenced by the US led military intervention into Iraq and what this suggests for how the ET presence will be managed in the future. I conclude by identifying how political management of the ET presence has been conducted in a way that represents a threat to the principles of democracy and liberty in the US.
Political Management of the Extraterrestrial Presence
The Challenge to Democracy and Liberty in America 
Political management of the extraterrestrial (ET) presence on Earth has evolved during the course of the successive US Presidential administrations that had to deal with the policy issues that arose once irrefutable proof of such a presence was brought to the attention of policy makers. This evolution of responses by Presidential administrations can be broken into five historic phases which demonstrate a gradual erosion of Presidential/executive oversight, and the growing autonomy/independence of clandestine organizations embedded in military-intelligence and national security branches of government. This erosion of Presidential/executive oversight in the form of ultimate control of the ET presence being gradually taken away from elected Presidents and/or their congressionally approved political appointments appears to have all the characteristics of a ‘political coup’.  Presidents, in the case of Republicans, have been reduced to rubber stamps for those controlling political management of ET issues; or, in the case of Democratic Presidents, to political irrelevance.
The first political management phase was crisis management during the Roosevelt administration when the ET presence became enmeshed within the foreign policy crisis of the Second World War, and was effectively controlled by a complex of scientific-military institutions set up under executive oversight to conduct the war effort.
The second phase was an effort by the Truman administration in the post-war era to establish a framework for politically managing the ET presence through a series of ad hoc committees responsible for setting policy and coordinating response by the scientific-military-intelligence communities.
The third phase was a comprehensive effort by the Eisenhower administration to manage the ET presence through improved policy coordination between different clandestine organizations embedded within military/intelligence and national security branches of government, and introducing more prominent roles for Corporate America and foreign policy elites in the political management of the ET presence.
The fourth phase was the effective loss of direct Presidential/Executive oversight during the latter part of the Eisenhower administration and the Kennedy administration, and the independence of clandestine organizations created to deal with the ET presence.
There is evidence to suggest that the recent military campaign in Iraq marks a disturbing fifth phase in the political management of the ET presence where clandestine organizations effectively take control of a foreign government for the exclusive purpose of managing the ET presence.
For the purpose of this study, ‘political management’ will be defined as a coordinated series of policies for dealing with a set of issues that have important public policy implications. In the case of political management of the ET presence, this refers to the need for developing a coordinated and strategic approach to the ET presence that satisfactorily deals with all its public policy dimensions. More importantly, political management of the ET presence involves coordinating the various agendas, reverse engineering programs, covert military operations, intelligence gathering operations, and policy studies undertaken by a variety of clandestine organizations embedded within the military, intelligence and national security branches of government.
Chief among the clandestine organizations to be identified as taking the lead in politically managing the ET presence in the US is Majestic 12’ (MJ-12 – aka ‘PI-40’ and ‘Special Studies Group’) is embedded within the Covert Operations Committee of the National Security Council.  The prominence of Nelson Rockefeller and Dr Henry Kissinger in influencing this clandestine organization, and the supporting roles given to Corporate America and elite policy study groups such as the Council of Foreign Relations, gives important insight into how the political management of the UFO presence has been historically conducted. This casts considerable light on motivations for the recent military intervention in Iraq, and the likelihood that this marks an important watershed in the political management of the ET presence.
In this paper, I will identify the political management approach taken in the various phases of how US administrations/clandestine organizations have responded to the ET presence. I will analyse the gradual erosion of executive oversight of these clandestine organizations, and the latter’s increasing influence over the executive branch of government. I will also outline the increased role of Corporate America and the Council of Foreign Relations in politically managing the ET presence. I further examine the most current political management style as evidenced by the US led military intervention into Iraq and what this suggests for how the ET presence will be managed in the future. I conclude by identifying how political management of the ET presence has been conducted in a way that represents a threat to the principles of democracy and liberty in the US.
Phase One - Crisis Management of the Extraterrestrial Presence
Evidence for the emergence of ET piloted craft over US skies has been claimed to exist from as early as the 19th century.  The emergence of the ET presence as a phenomenon that required political management can be dated to the first instance where US policy makers had to grapple with irrefutable evidence of an ET presence and its tremendous policy implications. There is evidence from ‘whistleblower’ testimonies from clandestine government organizations that an ET craft crashed off the coast of California in 1941, and its secret retrieval was what initially set off efforts by the Roosevelt administration to politically manage the ET presence.  Furthermore, a famous incident in 1942 occurred where there was a naval bombardment in response to what at first perceived to be a Japanese air raid, but which closer evidence suggested was an intelligently piloted UFO.  US participation in the Second World War from 1942 meant that these astonishing events involving ET piloted spacecraft craft had to be politically managed in the context of a global military conflict requiring coordinated policy responses that involved the national survival of the US.
The approach taken by the Roosevelt administration was based on maintaining tight secrecy given the assumption that the ‘enemy’ – Japan and Nazi Germany - would take any advantage of the ET presence it could discover through its intelligence assets to bring about defeat of US forces on the battlefield. The Roosevelt administration delegated control of the ET presence to the US Department of War (renamed the Department of Defense) who were immediately aware of the military significance of such a development. Any technology and knowledge acquired from the ET presence would be used to develop weapons technology that could bring victory on the battlefield.
There is considerable evidence from witness testimonies that the US Navy led this clandestine military effort with a top secret project seeking to develop ‘stealth technologies’ for Navy ships from as early as 1943.  Dubbed the ‘Philadelphia Experiment,’ this project established the primacy of the US Navy in reverse engineering ET technology, and subordination of the whole ET issue within military institutions. An important characteristic of this phase of the political management of the ET presence was the leading role played by military funded scientific laboratories that would play the critical role of reverse engineering ET technology. This ‘military-scientific complex’ was critical to the war effort and for responding to the ET presence.
As Commander-in-Chief in a war time situation, President Roosevelt’s political management of the ET presence was synonymous with the political management of the Manhatten Project which produced the first atomic bombs, and other secret weapons technologies that were part of the war effort. Both secrecy and a clear chain of command was required, and no effort would be spared to fund scientific laboratories working directly under the military to utilize this ET ‘presence’ for battlefield success. There is no evidence that the Roosevelt administration developed any special organizational structures for dealing with the ET presence, other than simply subordinating the whole ET issue to the Department of War that was conducting the war effort. As Commander in Chief, Roosevelt and his most senior advisors would be extensively informed and played the key role in exercising the necessary executive oversight for military projects utitilizing technology and intelligence gained from ET sources. Most importantly, the Second World War meant there would be no congressional oversight of the ET presence since the latter’s existence and military significance required the utmost secrecy due dire national security implications it had for the War effort.
Phase Two: The Truman Administration and the Decision to Maintain Secrecy
When Harry Truman became President in 1945, a ‘successful’ outcome of the Second World War was already clear. This meant that a more organized institutional structure could be developed for politically managing the ET presence. The national security threat to the US was now over as far as the general public were concerned, which meant that there would soon pressure for Congressional oversight and public disclosure of the clandestine programs conducted by military and intelligence branches of government. Since the US military exercised complete operational and logistical control over all aspects of the ET presence during the emergency conditions of the war, there needed to be a process for deciding how to politically manage the extensive policy implications of such a presence. Undoubtedly, the first policy issue to be confronted was the extent to which the ET presence should be disclosed to Congress and the general public. More importantly, there needed to be an institution created for ensuring policy coordination between the different military and intelligence units that were working on different operational aspects of the ET presence; and, critically, a means of ensuring that the President and his principal advisors would be sufficiently well informed to maintain executive oversight of the entire military-scientific-intelligence community that interfaced with the ET presence.
In 1947, Truman gave executive approval in the form of a memo to then Secretary of Defense, James Forrestal, for the creation of a clandestine committee to be formed that would play these three crucial roles of politically managing public disclosure of the ET presence; policy coordination of the various projects associated with the ET presence; and executive oversight of clandestine organizations dealing with the ET presence.  Titled Majestic 12 (MJ-12), this group initially comprised 12 senior individuals from the military, intelligence and civilian sectors who formed an ad hoc committee. MJ-12 was therefore a clandestine political entity created to politically manage all aspects of the ET presence in order to provide the best policy advice to the President. Significantly, MJ-12 was embedded within the National Security Council which was formed at the same time to coordinate policy recommendations from different government, military and intelligence departments into a coherent set of policy recommendations from which Presidents could choose. The way in which policy advice would be gained was through a series of ad hoc committees that would be formed to investigate specific aspects of the ET presence to make policy recommendations. One of the more famous was an ad hoc committee comprising Albert Einstein and Robert Oppenheimer who released a top secret report on “Relationships with Inhabitants of Celestial Bodies” in June 1947, that outlined a number of recommendations for responding to the ET presence in terms of their foreign policy implications.  Thus executive oversight of the ET presence occurred through the President, his advisors and appointed officials who would steer US policy on the critical policy issues concerning the ET presence on the basis of policy advice gained from top secret ad hoc committees.
A factor which increasingly impacted on the political management of the ET presence was the rise in public sightings of UFO craft in the post-war period making it more difficult to maintain a public policy of secrecy. In 1947, there was an extraordinary increase in the number of public sightings of UFO craft which led to a groundswell of support of an official response, and public disclosure of the ET presence.  The most famous of these was the 1947 Roswell incident which has spawned numerous books and testimonies from various individuals and officials.  This led to the decision of the Air force to launch an official public examination of the UFO presence. Project Blue Book began in 1952 and was the official public successor to earlier Air force investigations of UFOs from 1947-48 (Project Sign), and 1948-52 (Project Grudge). 
In the midst of the clamor generated by the public for news on the UFO presence, the Truman administration was evidently advised by the MJ-12 committee to maintain strict secrecy of the ET presence, while continuing to exercize executive oversight of clandestine projects concerning ET activity and their technology. Evidence of the nature of the executive control of the ET presence and the decision by MJ-12 to maintain public secrecy can be found in the circumstances surrounding the dismissal and death of James Forrestal as Truman’s Secretary of Defense in 1949. Secretary Forrestal had, according to whistleblower testimonies, developed a clear difference of opinion on how the ET presence should be politically managed, and was said to have favored public disclosure.  Forrestal, who was a member of the MJ-12 committee, was thwarted by President Truman, his principal advisors and others on the MJ-12 committee, who decided that the whole ET presence had to be politically managed in a way that maintained strict secrecy, thereby denying the general public and Congress the truth about the ET presence. Forestal was dismissed due to what was officially claimed to be a ‘nervous breakdown’ and later ‘committed suicide’ from the 6th floor of the Bethesda Naval Hospital.  According to several military ‘whistleblowers’, Forrestal was murdered. 
In conclusion, the political management of the ET presence by the Truman administration was one of firm executive oversight where he would be advised by his appointed committees such as MJ-12 in how to deal with the ET presence. MJ-12 would provide policy recommendations for coordination and oversight of clandestine organizations embedded in military and intelligence departments, and the military funded scientific laboratories that pursued reverse-engineering programs and communication with ETs.
Phase Three: The Erosion of Executive Oversight of Clandestine Organizations
The election of Dwight Eisenhower in 1952, brought with it not only a Republican administration, but also a profound policy shift in how political management of the ET presence would be conducted – the formal involvement of Corporate America and the Council of Foreign Relations in managing the ET presence. Eisenhower had been supported in his Presidential campaign by the Rockefeller family and it was therefore no great surprise that he chose Nelson Rockefeller to be in charge of reorganizing the government. Rockefeller from 1953-59 was Chairman of the President’s ‘Advisory Committee on Government Organization.’ In addition, he became the President’s Special Assistant in Cold War Strategy (1954-55) and was critical in shaping the Eisenhower’s views and responses to the ET presence.
The Rockefeller family derived much of its wealth and influence from the Standard Oil Company established by John Rockefeller which established a powerful monopoly in the US oil industry whose legacy continues today under the Exxon/Mobil/Chevron banners.  Nelson Rockefeller, the grandson of John Rockefeller, was a ‘moderate Republican’ who was a liberal in political issues and strongly supported the liberal internationalist idea of a global political institutions, but conservative in the economic sphere.  In asking Nelson Rockefeller to advise him and reorganize government in general and the policy making infrastructure concerning the ET presence in particular, Eisenhower was giving Corporate America a prominent role in the way in which government attempted to address policy issues – a view consistent with the ideological underpinning of the US Republican party.
As far as the ET question was concerned, this meant that Corporate America would play a prominent role in the clandestine efforts to reverse engineer ET technology.  The immediate consequence was that the scientific laboratories that were previously directly funded by the Department of Defense, were reorganized in terms of their location and funding base. These laboratories now received corporate funding through contracts awarded by military organizations, rather than being directly funded by the military as was the case during the Second World War and the Truman administration. Including Corporate America provided the important benefit of introducing a further layer of secrecy that could effectively keep prying Congressmen away from the truth about the ET presence. The Congressional oversight that was, in theory at least, possible for government/military funded scientific laboratories working on reverse engineering ET technology, would be impossible with corporations nominally in charge of the scientific laboratories working on the same clandestine military projects, using the same personnel, resources and funding. With Project Blue book underway and Congress attempting to discover what was really happening concerning the ET presence, a through re-organization involving a prominent role for Corporate America, in Rockefeller’s view, was needed if secrecy was to be maintained. The ‘sleight of hand’ involving Corporate America provided an important means of politically managing the ET presence – total secrecy could be maintained by simply invoking the mantra of private sector market forces, thereby ensuring immunity from congressional investigation.
Another important policy shift was the inclusion of the Council of Foreign Relations as the source for suitable recruits for a top secret policy committee whose exclusive task was to provide policy recommendations the various political, economic, social, religious and legal issues concerning the ET presence. The Rockefeller Family became important benefactors in the establishment of the Council of Foreign Relations in 1921 by making significant yearly donations of $1,500; making a large donation of $50,000 for the Council’s new headquarters in 1929; donating the building that became the headquarters of the Council in 1945.  A measure of the Rockefeller influence could be seen in their support for individuals being appointed to powerful positions. In the early 1970’s, for example, David Rockefeller, who eventually became Chairman of the Council, went against the wishes of a nominating committee to appoint William Bundy to the editorship of the influential journal, Foreign Affairs.  By bringing the Council of Foreign Relations to the center stage of how the Eisenhower administration would gain recruits for clandestine organizations designed to make policy recommendations concerning the ET presence, Nelson Rockefeller had maneuvered himself and his family to the center stage of how the ET presence would be politically managed.
The most significant institutional reorganization as far as political management of the ET presence was concerned was expanding and formalizing MJ-12 as an autonomous institution fully authorized by executive order to deliberate upon and make policy decisions on the ET presence. MJ-12 became formally embedded in the Covert Operations Committee of the National Security Council - Committee 5412, named after National Security Council Edict 5412. MJ-12’s earlier existence as an ad hoc committee appointed by executive authority, was now transformed into a permanent sub-committee institutionally embedded within the most secret of all the National Security Council’s committees. Evidence from whistleblower testimonies suggest that Truman’s ad hoc committee, MJ-12, was reorganized so as to now comprise two layers.  The outermost layer was a group of up to 40 individuals who would form a Study Group (hence the names PI-40 and Special Studies Group also attributed to MJ-12) whose function was to provide specialized studies and policy recommendations concerning ET issues for a smaller decision making group (MJ-12) that would actually make official policy recommendations for implementation after gaining executive approval by Eisenhower.
The Special Studies Group/PI-40 formed under Eisenhower held their first meetings at Quantico Marine Base in Virginia and its 35 members were drawn exclusively from the Council of Foreign Relations. The Study Group had two directors Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski, and comprised prominent individuals as Dr Edward Teller, Paul Nitze, David Rockefeller, and McGeorge Bundy (later Kennedy’s Special Assistant for Foreign Affairs).  According to Cooper, the Rockefellers built a lavish retreat for the Study Group in an exclusive area in Maryland. 
MJ-12 comprised 19 individuals who reviewed the various studies, and deliberated on policy issues concerning the ET presence on the basis of a qualified majority system of 12 votes being necessary for an issue to be passed.  According to William Cooper, who served on the Naval Intelligence briefing team for the Commander of the Pacific Fleet, this smaller group was headed by the President’s Special Representative for Foreign Affairs, and its composition was determined according to the following formula. The President’s Special Representative for Cold War Strategy (aka National Security Advisor - Nelson Rockefeller); the Director of Central Intelligence (Allen Welsh Dulles); Secretary of State (John Foster Dulles); Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (Admiral Arthur Radford); Director of the FBI (J. Edgar Hoover); six men from the executive of the Council on Foreign Relations (‘Wise Men’) and six men from a secret scientific organization called the JASON group (led by Dr. Edward Teller) that were all members of the Council of Foreign Relations.  It is likely that among the main organizational rules governing membership of MJ-12/PI-40 were that all appointments had to be approved by MJ-12; that individuals could not belong to both MJ-12 and PI-40; term limits applied to how long individuals could stay on the policy making body, MJ-12; and no term limits applied in the case of the PI-40.
As with the policy coordinating role played by the National Security Council in providing advice to the President, MJ-12 had a similar function in coordinating policy concerning the different clandestine organizations involved in various aspects of the ET presence. As the organization developed to study specific policy issues concerning the ET presence, PI-40 had a significant role in framing policy issues and determining priorities that would influence the way MJ-12 made policy recommendations. As the architect of the institutional reorganization that led to the expansion of MJ-12, and as the President’s Special Advisor, Rockefeller assumed the critical role of head of MJ-12. Furthermore, Rockefeller through his family’s connections, also could influence the selection of appointments from the Council of Foreign Relations and the JASON Group for PI-40. Accordingly, Rockefeller played a critical role in influencing the strategic principles and imperatives that would subsequently govern policy making on the ET presence. Rockefeller’s influence gradually led to his estrangement with Eisenhower as a result of the latter realizing that executive oversight of the ET presence was being eroded due to Rockefeller’s reorganization. Eisenhower’s concern resulted from two main ways in which executive oversight was eroded: the role of Corporate America, and the way information was provided by MJ-12/PI-40 in dealing with the ET presence.
The shift from the Roosevelt/Truman administration models of government funded military-scientific laboratories that conducted clandestine military projects, to a model that made US corporations nominally in charge of these clandestine projects, led to a cooperation that Eisenhower believed became a threat to executive government. This was immortalized for the general public by Eisenhower’s famous warning in his January 1961, departure speech of the danger of the ‘military-industrial complex’:
In the councils of Government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought by the Military Industrial Complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists, and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals so that security and liberty may prosper together. 
At the end of his administration, Eisenhower evidently felt that the military-industrial complex had grown too powerful and had slipped out of the control of him and his principal advisors in how the ET presence was to be politically managed. Essentially, clandestine military projects with Corporate America receiving funding through contracts awarded by the military, meant that the President and his principal advisors, had lost control of what was occurring in the clandestine projects and organizations that formed an elaborate ‘military-industrial complex’ weaving through the various military and intelligence organizations that worked on different aspects of the ET presence. The loss of control of what was happening in military-corporate laboratories carried with it a loss of control of over the quality and accuracy of the intelligence information that found its way back to the President and his senior advisors. The ‘military-industrial complex’ evidently was able to frame policy issues and contingencies concerning the ET presence in ways that dictated government policy to the extent that Eisenhower and his advisors felt frustrated and alarmed. This suggested that the MJ-12 and/or PI-40 had been compromised by the military-industrial complex, and was framing policy issues and imperatives in ways that eroded executive oversight of these clandestine organizations.
Nelson Rockefeller, the architect of the reorganization that included Corporate America in how the ET presence would be politically managed, resigned from his position as the President’s Special Assistant for Government Reorganization in 1959 to successfully run for New York governor. Rockefeller’s prominent role in both Corporate America and in MJ-12/PI-40, however, ensured that control of how the ET presence was to be politically managed increasingly lay with the MJ-12/PI-40 and the military-industrial complex responsible for reverse engineering ET technology, and the various intelligence agencies focused on the ET presence. What Eisenhower was alluding to in his departure speech was that, at least as far political management of the ET presence was concerned, a political coup had occurred.  Eisenhower had been maneuvered into a role that merely gave constitutional validity to policy recommendations that were crafted on information that the President had no independent means of confirming. That Eisenhower felt this way is evidenced in reports by one of the military officers who directly served under Eisenhower, Brigadier-General Stephen Lovekin who wrote:
But what happened was that Eisenhower got sold out. Without him knowing it he lost control of what was going on with the entire UFO situation. In his last address to the nation I think he was telling us that the Military Industrial Complex would stick you in the back if you were not totally vigilant…. And I think that he realized that all of a sudden this matter is going into the control of corporations that could very well act to the detriment of this country. This frustration, from what I can remember, went on for months. He realized that he was losing control of the UFO subject. He realized that the phenomenon or whatever it was we were faced with was not going to be in the best hands. As far as I can remember, that was the expression that was used, “It is not going to be in the best hands. 
The Kennedy administration marked an important milestone in the erosion of executive oversight of the ET presence. Kennedy was made aware of the ET presence when, as a young Senator serving on the Foreign Relations Committee, he was informed of the ET presence. Like his Republican predecessor, the new Democratic President, Kennedy, found that the political management of the ET presence was dominated by the clandestine military and intelligence organizations, in concert with MJ-12/PI-40, that released information on ETs in a way that was biased towards a particular outcome, the most obvious being the need for continued funding of their respective programs. If an information ‘spin’ was indeed occurring, and certainly that is what the Eisenhower experience suggests, then the ET presence would permanently remain in the category of a national security threat that required strict secrecy, with minimal government oversight and extravagant funding levels. The involvement of Corporate America in fulfilling military contracts meant that executive oversight would not succeed in discovering the true ramifications of the ET presence and what clandestine organizations were really up to. This problem of having no way of checking and confirming the information supplied by clandestine organizations that was suspected of being ‘spun’ in a way that supported particular outcomes was certainly what concerned Eisenhower, and was a problem that Kennedy also confronted.
Kennedy and his most trusted senior advisors evidently labored hard to reestablish executive oversight and control but were similarly frustrated as was Eisenhower and his team of advisors. Kennedy’s Special Assistant on International Affairs (aka National Security Advisor), McGeorge Bundy, and other cabinet members from the Departments of Defense and State, the Director of Central Intelligence and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff were most likely members of MJ-12 but this did not apparently assist Kennedy in gaining the changes he required. According to a former steward aboard Air Force One, Bill Holden, he and Kennedy had the following conversation when flying to Europe in the summer of 1963: " What do you think about UFOs, Mr. President?” Kennedy became quite serious for a moment, and replied, "I'd like to tell the public about the UFO situation … but my hands are tied."  Rockefeller’s institutional reforms made it impossible for one individual, even a sitting President, to take control of the policy making process concerning the ET presence.
Kennedy’s efforts to reestablish executive control and overturn the disturbing reality that the military-industrial complex was acting with minimal executive oversight in dealing with the ET presence and, more importantly, influencing how the ET presence was to be politically managed, certainly led to an escalating series of confrontations. For example, Kennedy’s initiative to improve relations with the Soviet Union under Nikita Krushchev and cooperate more in responding to the ET presence certainly disturbed those clandestine organizations that held real influence in how to politically manage the ET presence. Documents have been found supporting this idea that Kennedy desired greater cooperation with the Soviet Union, and that this was opposed by the military-industrial complex.  Furthermore, it has been claimed that Kennedy issued an ultimatum to Majesty 12, that “he intended to reveal the presence of aliens to the American people within the following year , and ordered a plan developed to implement his decision.” 
The institutional restructuring under Rockefeller that made possible for Corporate America to participate in conducting highly classified programs with clandestine organizations embedded in military and intelligence departments, was not going to be overturned by an upstart Democratic President committed to a more transparent and cooperative national and international effort to politically manage the ET presence. It is likely that Kennedy’s assassination was partly linked to his efforts to wrest control back control over how to manage the ET presence.  Those responsible could have come from any of the clandestine organizations that felt their operations threatened by Kennedy’s policies. An outcome of the crisis involving the Kennedy administration would have been that the formal policy making group, MJ-12, would have begun making policy choices without necessarily gaining Presidential approval. This marked a departure from the Eisenhower administration where, at least, Eisenhower had to give formal approval for major MJ-12 policy recommendations to be implemented.
Kennedy’s assassination marked the culmination of a process that in all constituted a ‘de facto political coup’ where executive oversight of the ET presence came to an end in less than a decade. Eisenhower’s Republican affiliation and choice of Rockefeller to reorganize government structures and play a leading role in reforming how the ET presence was to be politically managed, was what effectively led to the erosion of executive oversight of the ET presence. Eisenhower became aware later in his administration that he had lost control, and that a ‘silent political coup’ was occurring. Kennedy’s unsuccessful effort to reestablish control and assassination marked a turning point in the erosion of executive oversight. The kind of executive oversight achieved under the Roosevelt and Truman administrations where the President and his senior advisors were fully informed and exercized firm control over the political management of the ET presence was now a distant memory. Real control over how to politically manage the ET presence had slipped into the hands of the clandestine military and intelligence organizations that operated secretly, with no executive oversight and lavish budgets. It is therefore understandable why, at least from a bureaucratic perspective if not a national security stand point, that clandestine organizations had a strong interest in maintaining the status quo and opposing efforts to yield to greater transparency and executive oversight.
As the key policy coordinating body, MJ-12/PI-40, would certainly have been aware of the advantages of such a ‘de facto political coup’ and most likely played a supporting, if not principal, role in the erosion of executive oversight of all aspects of the ET presence. MJ-12/PI-40 was institutionally positioned to benefit greatly from this loss of executive oversight which meant that Presidential administrations knew less about what was really happening on ET issues, and would have to rely on MJ-12/PI-40 for accurate information on what was occurring within the military industrial complex. MJ-12/PI-40 could play its policy coordinating role with little real interference or scrutiny from Presidents and their policy advisors who simply did not have the means of confirming or challenging the information provided to them by the various clandestine organizations involved in dealing with the ET presence; and/or the policy advice provided by MJ-12/PI-40. The inability of Presidential administrations to gain independent and accurate information on the ET presence meant that MJ-12/PI-40 could put its own spin on the available information to produce policy outcomes inline with MJ-12/PI-40’s priorities and needs. One of these needs was to ensure a degree of autonomy that minimized executive interference in affairs that MJ-12/PI-40 probably decided were outside of the experience and abilities of Presidential administrations that were at best only temporary players in the need to politically manage the ET presence. The loss of executive oversight meant that MJ-12/PI-40 became the main player in determining how the ET presence was to be politically managed.  This led to the fourth phase in the political management of the ET presence – The Era of Autonomy and Impunity for Clandestine Organizations.
Phase Four– The Era of Autonomy and Impunity for Clandestine Organizations
President Lyndon Johnson, like Kennedy, was not trusted by MJ-12/PI-40 and was simply denied information concerning the ET presence.  MJ-12/PI-40 during the Johnson administration operated without executive oversight and politically managed the ET presence by coordinating between four main constituencies. The first was the various clandestine organizations embedded in the different military services that were part of the military-industrial complex involved in reverse engineering ET technology for weapons production. The second constituency was the intelligence organizations that attempted to gather information on ET activities; the ET agenda; establish channels of communication with the ETs; and which were embedded in the Central Intelligence Agency, National Security Agency, and the Defence Intelligence Agency. The third constituency was the President and his senior advisors who while not fully aware of the scope of the ET presence, were at least aware of the existence of these clandestine organizations and of the policy coordinating role played by MJ-12/PI-40.  The fourth and last constituency was Congress and the general public who were most out of the information loop, and simply unaware of the extent of the clandestine programs set up to deal with the ET presence.
The Air force investigation begun at the end of the Truman administration, Project Blue Book, had been, according to Col Phillip Corso, who served in the Eisenhower administration and was also briefly the head of a secret Pentagon project to reverse engineer ET technology, “pure public relations from the start,” that was designed to keep the general public focused on debating whether or not there was sufficient evidence for the existence of ET piloted UFOs.  The termination of Project Blue Book in 1969 represented the confidence of those politically managing the ET presence that numerous UFO sightings and public reports of contact with ETs no longer represented a threat to the official policy of non-disclosure of the ET presence.
In its role as the key policy coordinating body in the web of clandestine organizations that dealt with the ET presence, MJ-12/PI-40 now assumed firm control over how the ET presence was to be politically managed. Identifying the chief function of MJ-12/PI-40 and who its key players were is therefore central to understanding how the ET presence was politically managed, and how the erosion of executive oversight of the ET presence and the autonomy of MJ-12/PI-40 would impact on future Presidential administrations. The organizational function of MJ-12/PI-40 can be likened to that of a chess player who has to manage a whole range of pieces with different functions, values and strengths in order to achieve an ultimate goal – victory. This meant that MJ-12/PI-40’s primary role was that of developing a grand strategy to deal with the ET presence in terms of the variety of ET races, their varying agendas and activities, and foreign national governments and clandestine governments on one side of the chess board (the opponent); and on the other side, the four different constituencies that made up the pieces of one’s own side of the chess board. The architect of this strategic role for MJ-12/PI-40 was Nelson Rockefeller and the Council of Foreign Relations who essentially designed the institutional rules by which MJ-12/PI-40 would interact with other constituencies involved in various aspects of the ET presence. There is strong evidence from whistleblower sources that the master strategist of the Special Studies Group that made up the outer layer of MJ-12/PI-40, was a key Rockefeller protégé, Dr Henry Kissinger whose experience in managing the ET presence went further back than is commonly appreciated. 
The Prominence of Henry Kissinger as PI-40’s Master Strategist
There is significant evidence that Nazi Germany had partially succeeded in reverse engineering downed extraterrestrial craft that had been discovered by Nazi authorities in the mid 1930’s.  The partly successful efforts by top Nazi scientists in understanding and reverse engineering this ET technology was a major factor in Nazi Germany’s advanced weapons technology program and prolongation of the war effort in order to fully deploy these new weapons systems. At the conclusion of the Second World War, a top secret effort to repatriate the same Nazi scientists in order to utilize their expertise was begun by US Army’s Counter Intelligence Corps. ‘Operation Paperclip’, as this secret effort was called, involved the removal of hundreds of Nazi scientists to the well funded military-scientific laboratories created to produce weapons for the war effort.  A little known figure in ‘Operation Paperclip’ was a young German speaking US Army intelligence officer with a German Jewish background - Henry Kissinger.
Kissinger was born in Fuerth Germany on May 27, 1923, and served in the Army Counterintelligence Corps from 1943-46. At the close of World War II, he stayed on active duty in occupied West Germany. He was assigned to the 970th Counter Intelligence Corps Detachment, among whose ‘official’ functions included the recruitment of ex-Nazi intelligence officers for anti-Soviet operations inside the Soviet bloc.  Kissinger’s detachment, in reality, was playing a key role in ‘Operation Paperclip’ - a role that would mark him out in military intelligence circles as someone who had the keen intellect and strategic thinking abilities that could handle the most important strategic policy issue facing the US - how best to respond to the ET presence. 
Kissinger returned to the US, and in 1947 began his university education as an undergraduate at Harvard University. Kissinger, however, retained his ties to the military, as a Captain in the Military Intelligence Reserves. This enabled him to continue to play a role in issues pertaining to the ET presence as the policy at the highest level of the Truman administration was being developed. By 1950, Kissinger was now a graduate student and was working part time for the Department of Defense. He regularly commuted to Washington - as a consultant to its Operations Research Office which was under the direct control of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The Operations Research Office ‘officially’ conducted highly classified studies on such topics as the utilization of former German operatives and Nazi partisan supporters in CIA clandestine activities. Kissinger’s official duties were once again a cover for his role in coordinating the recruitment and utilization of former Nazi scientists in clandestine projects involving the reverse engineering of ET technology, and dealing with a range of intelligence and strategic issues surrounding the ET presence.
In I952, after completing his PhD, Kissinger became a consultant to the director of the Psychological Strategy Board, an operating arm of the National Security Council for covert psychological and paramilitary operations. Thus Kissinger’s role expanded to dealing with the extensive policy issues surrounding the ET presence. Kissinger’s inside knowledge of Operation Paperclip and the ET presence, combined with his strategic thinking abilities, marked him as someone who would rapidly assume a prominent position in the decision making hierarchy surrounding the ET presence. As a member of the Council of Foreign Relations, Kissinger would undoubtedly have come to the attention of its most prominent members as someone who could provide leadership on how to respond to the ET presence.
In 1954, President Eisenhower appointed Nelson Rockefeller his Special Assistant for Cold War Planning, a position that officially involved the ‘monitoring and approval of covert CIA operations’. This was a cover for Rockefeller’s true role as head of MJ-12; and most importantly, directing US foreign policy in the wake of a ‘secret treaty’ signed between an ET race from the Orion Constellation and the US.  The ‘treaty’ has been a source of much speculation but its existence and content has been revealed by a number of former military and government intelligence ‘whistleblowers’. 
In 1955, Kissinger became a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board - the highest policy-making board for implementing clandestine operations against foreign governments. Kissinger’s analytical and strategic skills were used not only for coordinating US policy in clandestine operations against foreign governments, but also for the clandestine operations against ET races.  Kissinger’s role in the clandestine operations, his close relationship with Nelson Rockefeller, his intellectual abilities, all combined to lead to a steady increase in his influence. Rockefeller and others running clandestine organizations understood the danger in not coordinating clandestine policy towards ET races and reverse engineering, with the more conventional foreign policy issues that were the focus of public attention.
Coordinating the extensive range of issues and problems would require someone with the strategic thinking abilities to coordinate these two arenas. Kissinger’s abilities marked him out in the mind of Rockefeller, the Executive Committee from the Council of Foreign Relations, and military intelligence, as the person best qualified for this critical role. Rockefeller was instrumental in appointing Kissinger as one of the two Directors of PI-40, the Study Group that would provide policy advice to MJ-12 in response to the Treaty signed with the ET race from Orion in particular, and the ET presence more generally. 
As a Director and key strategist of PI-40, Kissinger would certainly have been aware of the need to politically manage the ET presence through ensuring the autonomy of MJ-12 and PI-40 and to render efforts of executive oversight ineffective. More importantly, MJ-12/PI-40 had steadily grown in institutional authority and power to the extent that it could now exert political influence over the executive branch of government. Strongly influencing, if not outright control of, successive Presidential administrations was viewed to be a critical part of how the ET presence had to be politically managed, effectively dismantling the executive oversight that was such a prominent feature of the Roosevelt and Truman administrations.
What contributed to this need for MJ-12 to control/influence future administrations is the irony that while most policy national security officials, politicians, the news media and the public, believed that the Soviet Union was the primary threat to US Security, in fact the US was secretly cooperating extensively with the Soviet Union in responding to the ET presence. This meant that beneath the official Cold War rhetoric and armed conflicts that consumed public attention and resources, clandestine cooperation was occurring against what was perceived to be a common threat.  In short, the US and USSR were strategic allies as far as addressing the ET presence was concerned, while simultaneously being strategic competitors in the geo-politics of the Cold War. This meant that much of the animosity that characterized the Cold War was a charade that helped divert the general public away from what was really happening. Such a charade could only work if the most senior officials within the Presidential administration were familiar with the ET presence, so as to moderate more bellicose policy makers who believed the Cold War was for real, and were fully ready to use nuclear weapons against the Soviet Union in response to a perceived attack.
Influencing successive Presidential administrations could be achieved by embedding key PI-40 members in senior policy positions of incoming Presidential administrations so as to ensure non-disclosure of the ET presence, and moderating Cold War hostilities. For the Kennedy/Johnson administrations, this individual was McGeorge Bundy, one of the original members of PI-40, who upon becoming National Security Advisor would have become the chair of MJ-12.  In the case of the future Nixon administration, this would be achieved by embedding within it an even more prominent PI-40 member who could control President Nixon when necessary.
For the Nixon administration, this person would be no other than Henry Kissinger who was plucked out of public obscurity in 1968 to be appointed National Security Advisor of President-elect Nixon. The instrumental figure in Kissinger’s appointment was Nelson Rockefeller who had lost to Nixon in the 1968 Republican convention, and subsequently arranged for his protégé to become part of Nixon’s team.  Kissinger was intent on centralizing foreign policy making in the White House and the National Security Council, thereby ensuring him a central role in shaping not only US foreign policy, but also clandestine policy towards ET races in his new role as Director of MJ-12. Given his long history as a Director of the Special Studies Group/PI-40 since its formation, Kissinger would have been the most experienced and powerful head of MJ-12 since Nelson Rockefeller. 
In Seymour Hersh’s critical biography of Kissinger’s political managerial style during the Vietnam era, what emerges is that Kissinger was intent on amassing as much power as possible in managing international affairs.  Kissinger systematically undermined the positions of others who could pose a threat to his control of international affairs, especially that of the new Secretary of State, William Rogers, and other key policy makers in the Nixon administration.  Kissinger emerges in Hershe’s biography as a political figure paranoid about ceding power to others who in his view lacked the subtlety and acumen in dealing with critical foreign policy issues. Kissinger’s managerial style was to ensure that all information passed through him as the principal filter for shaping Nixon’s priorities and thinking on foreign policy. A passage from a former Kissinger aide, Morton Halperin, reveals Kissinger’s political managerial style:
On January 25, 1969, five days into the administration, the NSC was convened for its first meeting. The issue was Vietnam, and Halperin, now clearly Kissinger’s top aide, was assigned to summarize all the papers and prepare a covering memorandum for the President. He carefully listed the various options in the two- or three-page summary, leaving boxes for the President to initial his choices. The idea was to reduce the President’s workload: If Nixon chose not to read the attached documents, he could merely review Halperin’s summary (which, of course, came with Kissinger’s imprimatur) and make his decision. Henry loved summary and thought it was terrific. But, ‘Mort,’ he said, ‘you haven’t told the President what options we should choose.’”
“I thought to myself,” Halperin recalls, “we’re not supposed to be giving positions; we’re just supposed to send summaries of the options.” Years later, Halperin would realize how naïve he had been: “Henry had been publicly saying that we were just going to sort out the issues for the President. I didn’t know that Henry wanted to give him the decisions he should take. I was surprised—because I still believed what Henry had said.” The Kissinger summary papers, with their recommendations, would become the most secret documents in the Nixon White House. 
Kissinger’s political managerial style while in government is very significant since it provides insight into how decision making in PI-40 was conducted under Kissinger as the Study group director, and later in MJ-12 when he become its head during the Nixon/Ford administrations. 
Kissinger’s role in guiding US foreign policy was dictated by his philosophy of ‘realpolitik’. Realpolitik was modelled after his favorite international statesman, 19th century German Chancellor, Otto Von Bismark, who skillfully managed international alliances and limited wars to transform Prussia/Germany into a great power without provoking an international alliance against Germany.  For Bismark, international politics was a grand chess board where morality and sentiment played at best a secondary role, and what really mattered was the skillful use of one’s resources in achieving one’s strategic objective of maximizing power. ‘Realpolitik’ dominated Kissinger’s approach to international politics as evidenced in places such as Laos, Cambodia, Chile and East Timor where morality and sentiment played no role in these countries treatment as pawns in the grand game of international chess where the US competed with the Soviet Union to maximize its geo-political power, while simultaneously cooperating strategically in responding to the ET presence .
Little known to the general public, however, Kissinger adopted the same role in steering US policy in how it would respond to the ET presence. Morality and sentiment would play at best a secondary role as the US gradually improved its resources in order to increase its strategic position vis-à-vis the ET races visiting Earth. The moral orientation of these ET races that interacted with humanity and the clandestine organizations that were aware of ET activities were not given great emphasis in Kissinger’s realpolitik concerning the ET presence. What mattered was the extent to which ET races would provide resources for US clandestine organizations to improve their weapons technology and thus improve the US’s strategic position vis-à-vis different ET races. Kissinger’s realpolitik was the way in which the complex political, social, economic and environment issues would be managed vis-à-vis the ET presence. Kissinger’s role would be similar to his 19th century hero, Bismark, Kissinger would play a key role in transforming the US into the dominant global power that could deal with ET races as an equal, without sparking a damaging interplanetary war with one or more of the ET races that would spell the end for US sovereignty and freedom. Kissinger’s close association with the Rockefeller family ensured that Corporate America would continue to play a prominent role in the political management of the ET presence.
With Kissinger, during the Nixon administration, simultaneously playing prominent roles in US foreign policy and its clandestine ‘interplanetary policy’ through MJ-12/PI-40, what emerges is that the political management of the ET presence was dominated by a few individuals intent on amassing as much institutional power as possible, and not delegating authority to those outside of MJ-12/PI-40 who were viewed to lack the necessary experience, political sophistication and intellect in dealing with the complexities of the ET presence. Eisenhower’s warning that the political management of the ET presence was “not in the best hands” now appeared prophetic.
Political Impotence of the Carter and Clinton Administrations and the Threat posed by Reagan
The election of Jimmy Carter in 1976, brought in a new Democratic President who had declared that he would reveal the truth about the ET presence once in office. Carter was the first US President who was on the public record as having witnessed a UFO.  Carter, however, would find that as President, he would be unable to determine the full extent of US clandestine programs focused on the ET presence, far less have any power to influence how to politically manage the ET presence. Even though his National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski was one of the first directors of PI-40 and would have now taken over the chair of MJ-12 from Kissinger, Carter and his principal advisors found that they were simply denied the necessary information on the ET presence making it painfully clear that executive oversight of the ET presence was non-existent. 
A project funded by the Carter administration in May 1977 through the Stanford Research Institute (SRI) to explore Extraterrestrial Communication was terminated four months later through Pentagon pressure. The Pentagon simply threatened the directors of the SRI that it would terminate projects the Pentagon funded for SRI if the later went ahead with the White House Center.  After the debacle over its Extraterrestrial Communication project, Carter and his senior advisors quickly recognized they were ‘minor players’ as far as the ET presence was concerned. Indeed, this lack of ability to politically manage ET affairs, may well have been a critical factor in the Iranian revolution that did so much to undermine Carter’s reelection chances. 
The Republican electoral campaign of 1980 brought with it a new dimension to the political management of the ET presence. Ronald Reagan came into the campaign as a crusading anti-communist with fixed views that only negotiating from a position of military strength was the means of countering the Soviet threat to global democracy. Privately, however, Reagan had a similar perspective on the ET presence and what he viewed as the need to negotiate from a position of strength vis-à-vis the ‘ET threat to humanity’.
 Like his predecessor, President Carter, Reagan had an encounter with UFO’s.  Unlike Carter, however, he developed a strong belief that the ET presence was a threat to humanity that had to be militarily contained. In contrast, his opponent in the Republican Primaries, former CIA Director George Bush, brought with him a more moderate Republican ideology – an ideology that was more consistent with the views of MJ-12/PI-40, which Bush had previously been a member of, and of Henry Kissinger who was by now the undisputed master strategist for MJ-12/PI-40 with nearly 40 years experience in dealing with the ET presence. The election of Reagan over Bush would certainly have come as a disappointment to Kissinger and MJ-12/PI-40 not only in terms of it bring in another ‘outsider’ who impacted the ability of MJ-12/PI-40 to politically manage the ET presence, but also because it allowed a dangerous element to emerge in the clandestine effort to manage this presence.
MJ-12/PI-40, under Kissinger, was fully aware of the complexities of the ET presence in terms of different races and orientations, and ensuring that interaction with the numerous clandestine organizations embedded in the different military organizations and intelligence agencies coordinated in a way that maintained a ‘global balance of power’. What Kissinger and MJ-12/PI-40 were most concerned about was the danger of clandestine organizations in the US military and/or intelligence services engaging in a dangerous confrontation with ET races that could degenerate into a large scale hostilities leading to a ‘war of the worlds’. As the master ‘Bismarkian’ strategist, Kissinger was concerned to maintain the ‘balance of power’ while simultaneously advancing the strategic position of the US vis-a-vis ET races. PI-40, again under the leadership of Kissinger after having served his full term as head of MJ-12, was therefore intent on containing any ‘military adventurism’ on the part of clandestine organizations in the US military that were at best too confrontational, or at worst infiltrated by ET races intent on initiating global confrontation.  What most concerned MJ-12/PI-40 was the possibility that a Presidential administration could be unduly influenced by clandestine military organizations that either were prone to military adventurism and/or been infiltrated by ET races.
Soon after his election, Reagan demonstrated a rigid belief of the nature of the ET threat, and laced many of his public statements referring to the ET presence and its threat to humanity.  According to Dixon Davis, one of the two CIA agents appointed to brief Reagan when he was President-elect: "The problem with Ronald Reagan was that all his ideas were all fixed. He thought that he knew about everything --he was an old dog." 
Reagan’s anti-communist rhetoric and massive buildup of military forces was a cover for Reagan’s true desire to militarily confront ET races.  His first major public comment on an ET threat occurred at a 1985 US-Soviet Summit meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev at Geneva when he said:
I couldn’t help but - when you stop to think that we’re all God’s children, wherever we live in the world, I couldn’t help but say to him (Gorbachev) just how easy his task and mine might be if suddenly there was a threat to this world from some other species from another planet outside in the universe. We’d forget all the little local differences that we have between our countries and we would find out once and for all that we really are all human beings here on this Earth together. Well I guess we can wait for some alien race to come down and threaten us, but I think that between us we can bring about that realization. 
If his unscheduled comment at a US-Soviet Summit were not itself a provocative enough expression of Reagan’s views on the possible threat of an ET presence, then his speech to the Forty-Second UN General Assembly of the United Nations on September 21, 1987, was even more provocative and disturbing in its implications:
In our obsession with antagonisms of the moment, we often forget how much unites all the members of humanity. Perhaps we need some outside, universal threat to make us recognize this common bond. I occasionally think how quickly our differences worldwide would vanish if we were facing an alien threat from outside of this world. And yet I ask - is not an alien force already among us? 
For Colonel Phillip Corso, and other conservative military officers, Reagan was a hero who knew how to best respond to the ET presence – a global defensive shield that could shoot down ET craft anywhere around the planet.  The Strategic Defense Initiative had little to do with shooting down ballistic nuclear missiles, and really was part of a planetary shield desired by clandestine organizations in the military wanting to militarily confront the ET presence.
Reagan’s conservative political philosophy and public statements on the need for a massive military build up to the Soviet threat, were allusions to the perceived danger of an ET invasion. Reagan and his political advisors were considered by Kissinger, Brzezinski, and others in MJ-12/PI-40, a threat to the political management of the ET presence and to the tenuous peace that existed between clandestine organizations around the planet and ET races. Given the gravity of Reagan’s fixed views and the implications for managing the ET presence, it is very likely groups responsive to the concerns of PI-40 played a role in attempting to have Reagan removed from public office and replaced by an MJ-12/PI-40 member, George Bush, the Vice President and former head of the CIA. The Hinkley assassination attempt in 1981 was possibly an attempt by organizations loosely linked with PI-40 to either remove or intimidate Reagan so as to prevent what could have been a disastrous unraveling of the covert global cooperation in managing the ET presence.  The eventual result of the assassination attempt was that the Reagan administration’s militaristic impulses were sufficiently restrained so as to ensure that no military confrontation with ET races would spiral out of control.
The 1988 election of George Bush once again allowed MJ-12/PI-40 to again dominate the strategic thinking of a Presidential administration. As a former member of MJ-12/PI-40, Bush was all too aware of the need to politically manage the ET presence in the mould dictated by Kissinger during the Nixon adminstration. Indeed, Kissinger’s support was critical in the appointment of Bush to become the Director of the CIA in 1975, and his ‘promotion’ to MJ-12 from PI-40, not long after the Watergate scandal had begun to subside.  Public secrecy, monopolizing decision making power in MJ-12/PI-40, maintaining the balance of power, and continuing to reverse ET technology for weapons acquisition, and maintaining the prominent role of Corporate America in dealing with the ET presence, were the keys to politically managing the ET presence.
MJ-12/PI-40 was certainly content with its influence under the Bush administration and there is evidence that international events were managed in a way that would support the 1992 reelection of President Bush. The ‘End of the Cold War’ was certainly a ‘gift’ to the Bush administration that normally would have ensured a second election victory for an administration enjoying such a tremendous foreign policy success.  The successful outcome of the Gulf War in 1991 was similarly an event that would have normally secured a successful reelection campaign. The outcome of the 1992 Presidential election appeared so certain, that prominent Democrats decided not to run and viewed 1996 as the best time for a Presidential campaign.
The election of President Clinton was certainly a surprise development for MJ-12/PI-40 and once again had the effect of placing an ‘outsider’ in the White House. Clinton, like Carter before him, soon found out that he had minimal influence over the political management of the ET presence. Even more disturbing, his senior political officials including the Director of Central Intelligence, James Woolsey, and Secretary of Defence, William Cohen, had little knowledge of the ET presence.  Stephen Greer narrated the following exchange he had with a famous astronaut:
Recently I was in Washington meeting with a very famous astronaut. Everyone would know this person’s name . . . This particular astronaut had during his career been in possession of a very specific piece of incontrovertible piece of evidence related to UFOs. It is something that if disclosed would be clear and definitive. This astronaut described how he had approached and worked directly with President Clinton’s Secretary of Defense William Cohen to look into and retrieve from classified projects this specific piece of evidence - of that which he had all the specific details. . .the words used by this astronaut to me were "there was an inordinate large amount of money and personal time by the Secretary of Defense William Cohen was spent to locate this evidence, and he was never given access to it." 
This suggested that many of those sitting in MJ-12/PI-40, were hangovers from the Bush administration, and Clinton’s political appointments were not trusted to maintain secrecy. Clinton’s efforts to extract information from clandestine organizations proved fruitless as evidenced in the following quote from William Laparl, who worked with the CIA in the early days of the Clinton Administration:
It was known among the high CIA people, and the people who had contact with these people, that the Clintons were on the prowl for UFOs. Bill Clinton had been asking anyone who would listen to him, to tell him the secret. You know, he would get some Admiral in there, and say "By the way, tell me the UFO secret." They would just look at him like "What planet are you from?" 
Clinton’s interest and efforts to gain information on the ET presence and clandestine projects were a threat to MJ-12/PI-40 insofar as Clinton’s initiatives threatened the veil of secrecy that had been existing since the 1940’s. More importantly, Clinton’s efforts may well have been viewed as the initial stages of an attempt to re-establish executive oversight. It is not to difficult to surmise that many of Clinton’s political problems were a result of clandestine efforts to distract the Clinton administration, and ensure minimal support for his domestic policies. Clinton became resigned to serving his term with only minimal knowledge of the ET presence, and without having any serious impact on how to politically manage the ET presence. His remarks to a question from a Northern Ireland teenager in November 1995 testify to his political impotence on the ET presence:
I got a letter from 13-year-old Ryan from Belfast. Now, Ryan, if you're out in the crowd tonight, here's the answer to your question. No, as far as I know, an alien spacecraft did not crash in Roswell, New Mexico, in 1947. (Laughter.) And, Ryan, if the United States Air Force did recover alien bodies, they didn't tell me about it, either, and I want to know. (Applause.) 
The election of George W. Bush in 2000 once again led to an insider, or at least an insider’s loyal son, to be in the White House. George Bush, Sr., would henceforth play a key role in steering his son, who lacked the kind of intellectual qualities to be a member of PI-40 or Council on Foreign Affairs, in his own right, but served as a useful figurehead that could gain the loyalty of the American public in ways that the more urbane and sophisticated George Bush Snr., and Nelson Rockefeller before him, never could. This set the stage for a new phase in the political management of the ET presence, the takeover of a foreign country for purposes exclusively to do with the strategic advantage this would provide in politically managing the ET presence.
Phase Five. The Political Management of Iraq and its Ancient ET Technology
In the 2000 Presidential election campaign, George Bush jokingly responded to a question concerning the ET presence by saying that that was Richard Cheney’s area of expertise.  Cheney served as Secretary of Defence in the first Bush administration and according to the formula first used during the Eisenhower administration to determine the members of MJ-12, Cheney would have been a former active member of MJ-12, and was very likely a current member of PI-40. Bush would have been briefed at some point by Cheney and/or his father about the ET presence, and was simply deferring to the clear expertise Cheney had in the area. Other key administration figures in the new Bush administration such as Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defence during the Ford administration, also would have served on MJ-12 according to the Eisenhower era formula, and would have subsequently sat on PI-40, before finding himself elevated once more to MJ-12. Other new Bush administration officials such as Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle, both of whom had earlier held prominent positions in the Department of Defence, were probably briefed on the ET presence, during their tenures.
What distinguished this senior group of officials in the Bush administration with backgrounds in the Department of Defense, was their ‘hawkish’ Republican world view that espoused such novel international theories as preemptive military intervention against rogue states and creating a global defensive shield against them. While such a theory ostensibly was focused on the threat such states posed if they possessed Weapons of Mass Destruction, the knowledge these officials had concerning the ET presence, suggested that they were merely continuing the threat based assessment of the ET presence that had earlier dominated the Reagan administration. The global defensive shield against rogue states using ballistic nuclear missiles against the US, was again a convenient cover for the true intent to be able to military intervene against ET craft anywhere on the planet. Aside from the close ties this group of Bush administration ‘hawks’ had with the Department of Defense, some of them also had extensive ties with corporate military contractors that worked on various clandestine projects concerning the ET presence. The professional background and policies of the Bush administration ‘hawks’ suggests they formed the public head of a ‘cabal’ of senior military officials based in clandestine organizations that promoted a militaristic responses to the ET presence.  Such officials would no doubt have been aware of clandestine organizations of other countries with whom they cooperated/competed with in terms of gaining maximum strategic advantage vis-à-vis the ET presence, and the strategic significance of different rogue states in the tenuous balance of power that existed on the planet between different ET factions and clandestine government organizations. A key rogue state in such a strategic struggle was Iraq under Saddam Hussein.
There is evidence that Iraq once hosted an advanced civilization that interacted extensively with ET races.  The likelihood that this interaction led to the development of technology either left behind by these ETs or based on ET technology that lay buried in the Iraqi desert has been argued to be the primary motivation for the US led military intervention in the 2003 Gulf war.  Once the need to invade Iraq emerged for reasons that primarily concern the political management of the ET presence and the strategic importance of Iraq, it became important to manage this in a way that would minimize global chaos. This was especially important since clandestine organizations in the US were competing with similar organizations in France, Germany, Russia and even China that presumably already established some understanding of precisely what was available in Iraq, and its strategic significance for the global balance of power.
The influence of key ‘hawks’ in the Bush administration, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Cheney, Richard Perle and others, was likely viewed by MJ-12/PI-40 as a useful political tool for gaining access to Iraq’s strategic ET resources. This had to be managed in a way, however, that would maintain global consensus and not precipitate a conflict that could easily spiral out of control and lead to the intervention of ET races. Like the Reagan administration before it, the more militaristic impulses of the Bush administration needed to be restrained by MJ-12/PI-40, if Iraq’s ET resources were to be gained over the objections of clandestine organizations based in France, Germany, Russia and China.
In August of 2002 when debate over a preemptive US attack was at its height, Kissinger released a significant policy statement that cautioned the Bush administration from alienating its historic allies in dealing with Iraq, and argued that “the notion of justified pre-emption runs counter to modern international law which sanctions the use of force in self defence only against actual rather than potential threats.”  This combined with key statements from other former officials from Republican adminstrations, such as former Bush Snr., National Security Advisor and a likely PI-40 member, Brent Scowcroft, led to President Bush moving towards a more internationalist agenda that embraced the role of the UN.  This culminated in Bush making a speech before the UN a day after the anniversary of September 11 where he emphasized the importance of confronting Saddam Hussein and the important role of the UN in playing a leading role in containing the threat posed by rogue states.  Kissinger and Scowcroft represented a very visible initiative by MJ-12/PI-40 to reign in the Bush Hawks insofar as the importance of global consensus was recognized as a key ingredient for the strategic goals of militarily intervening in Iraq, removing the Saddam regime, and gaining access to whatever ET technology was hidden in Iraq. The Republican hawks within the Bush administration had been temporarily outflanked by Kissinger, other Republican moderates and MJ-12/PI-40 members. The clandestine organizations in France, Germany and Russia therefore had more time to reach an accommodation with the Bush administration. Security Council Resolution 1441 was a triumph for Kissinger’s approach to politically managing the ET presence.
By February of 2003, it had become clear that Germany, France and Russia were maneuvering to block the US intervention. Rather than this being purely an altruistic desire to preserve global peace in the face of an unjustified US attack to destroy ‘non-existent’ weapons of mass destruction, these European states desired to keep the US out of Iraq due to the increased strategic power this would give to US based clandestine organizations. Kissinger’s role is indicative of the strategic struggle occurring behind the scence over ET technology in Iraq, and the shifting alliances this caused. Kissinger subsequently came out with a key policy speech criticizing France and Germany as threatening the NATO alliance.  His speech indicated that the time was ripe for a US military invasion. Kissinger and MJ-12/PI-40 had given the blessing for an invasion which was now inevitable. Rather than regional devastation as was first feared, what occurred instead was a rapid collapse of the Saddam regime. US clandestine organizations had achieved their military objectives without precipitating regional and global chaos. The passage of a new UN Security Council resolution in May 2003 by a margin of 14-0 endorsing US administration and reconstruction of post-war Iraq by the UN, marked a decisive victory for the Bush administration, and the influence of MJ-12/PI-40 in politically managing the ET presence.
What was significant in the post-conflict administration of Iraq was the speedy departure of the Pentagon appointed civil administrator, Jay Garner, and his replacement by Paul Bremer, a former State Department Ambassador at Large for Terrorism, and someone with strong connections to Kissinger, formally in charge of the civil administration of Iraq. This indicated that the more moderate policies backed by Kissinger in dealing with the ET presence, had prevailed over the more confrontational policies of the Bush hawks. A power struggle between moderate and hawkish factions of MJ-12/PI-40 was occurring behind the scenes, and the Kissinger backed moderates had been successful.
The policies implemented by Bremer in terms of setting back the schedule for the election of an interim Iraq administration, indicate that the US is set to remain in military control of Iraq for a number of years. Iraq’s role in terms of being a host to ancient ET technology and analyses which suggest it plays a significant role in the possible return of ET races that sponsored Iraq’s ancient Sumerian civilization, makes Iraq a significant actor in the political management of the ET question.
Conclusion: Politically Managing the ET presence and the Challenge to Democracy and Liberty in America
Political management of the ET presence has evolved greatly since the Second World War era. Starting initially as a process firmly controlled by Presidential administrations that exercised executive oversight, thereby making it part of the democratic process despite its secrecy and lack of congressional participation, political management evolved to the point where Presidential administrations were not fully informed of and had no executive control over many aspects of the ET presence. This meant that the political management process had dubious constitutional validity and was controlled by a few actors who could be tied to the Rockefeller-Kissinger axis, and their respective ties to US corporations and elite foreign policy bodies such as the Council on Foreign Relations. The US-British-Australian intervention in Iraq suggests that political management of the ET process has evolved to yet another level. Now the US and its allies are prepared to militarily intervene in others in order to gain strategic goals vis-à-vis the ET presence. The most important of which are to maintain official secrecy of the ET presence, withhold from the general public the true nature of the historic role played by ETs in ancient civilizations, and to gain whatever military advantage possible from the reverse engineering of ET technology found in countries that, like Iraq, have been prominent sites hosting an ET presence. According to whistleblowers sources, there are numerous ancient ET bases that are being increasingly discovered around the planet.  Consequently, it is likely that the intervention in Iraq will set a precedent for similar interventions elsewhere across the planet for reasons that increasingly have to do with the political management of the ET presence.
The strategic thinking of organizations such as MJ-12/PI-40 is based on the perception that the best analytical minds and strategic thinkers are employed in managing the ET process, and that while this may not be acceptable from a democratic standpoint which emphases executive or congressional oversight of all government activities, it is acceptable from a national security perspective. What can be concluded here is that the view that indeed the ‘best minds’ are in charge of the political management of the ET presence is misplaced. Information of the ET presence has been increasingly controlled and spun in a way that suggests that real decision making power has been inexorably restricted to fewer and fewer individuals who reflect conservative political philosophies typically associated with the Republican party. While it is impossible to say exactly how many individuals exercise real influence in politically managing the ET presence, the history of the Rockefeller-Kissinger involvement and the prominent roles played by Corporate America and the Council on Foreign Relations, suggests that this influence is restricted to very few.
Eisenhower’s warning about the ‘best minds’ not being in control suggests that the elite club of ‘experts’ that dictate how the political management of the ET presence is to be conducted, are overly influenced by Corporate and elite interests sympathetic to world views associated with the military-intelligence communities. Introducing greater transparency into all aspects of managing the ET presence will make it possible to expand the restricted circle of power and influence that controls information concerning the ET presence in a way that does indeed make it possible for the best minds to be formally in charge of politically managing the ET presence.
The erosion of executive control over the political management of the ET presence has reduced Presidents to at best, rubber stamps of MJ-12/PI-40 policies (this appeared to be the case in the Nixon, Ford, Reagan and both Bush administrations), or, at worst, to political impotence as appears to have occurred in the cases of the Carter and Clinton administrations. The policies of the present Bush administration indicate that the US presidency is reduced to little more than a vehicle for the realization of questionable policies concerning how to manage the ET presence. When combined with the blanket of secrecy that has prevented the US Congress and the American public playing a meaningful role in the political management of the ET presence, the current situation is a profound problem for those truly committed to principles of democratic governance and liberty in the US and elsewhere on the planet. President Eisenhower demonstrated he became all too aware of the true problem confronting the US as a nation in dealing with the ET presence – a de facto political coup by interests closely allied with Corporate America and the military-intelligence communities. It is time that the American public understood the true nature of his warning and begin comprehensive political reforms to address the threat to liberty Eisenhower was alluding to.
 I am very grateful to Elizabeth O’Rourke for her editorial assistance and suggestions in proof-reading and editing this Study.
 For more discussion of such a political coup, see Steven Greer, Extraterrestrial Contact: The Evidence and Implications (Crossing Point Publications, 1999).
 See Richard Dolan, UFO’s and the National Security State: Chronology of a Cover-up 1941-1973 (Hampton Roads, 2002) 1-3.
 See Jim Marrs, Alien Agenda: Investigating the Extraterrestrial Presence Among Us (HarperPaperbacks, 1997) 92-95; and Richard Dolan, UFO’s and the National Security State, 5-6.
 See Stewart Swerdlow, Montauk: The Alien Connection (Expansions Publishing Co. 2002); Preston Nichols & Peter Moon, Montauk Revisited: Adventures in Synchronicity (Sky Books, 1991); Wade Gordon, The Brookhaven Connection (Sky Books, 2001).
 See Dolan, UFOs and the National Security State, 16-35; and Marrs, Alien Agenda, 132-49.
 See Kevin Randle and Donald Schmitt, The Truth About the UFO Crash at Roswell (Avon Books, 1994) Phillip
 For extensive discussion of these projects and their policy implications, see Dolan, UFOs and the National Security State.
 See Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 198-99.
 For discussion of events surrounding Forrestal’s ‘breakdown’ and ‘suicide’ see Dolan, UFO’s and the National Security State, 70-76.
 See, “Testimony of Master Sergent, Dan Morris,” Disclosure, ed., Greer, 359; and Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 198-99.
 See Marrs, Rule By Secrecy, 46.
 For discussion of the Rockefeller’s support for liberal internationalism, see Will Banyan, “Rockefeller Internationalism”, Nexus Magazine, May-June 2003, 19-22, 74. Nexus Magazine’s homepage is http://www.nexusmagazine.com
 See Corso, The Day After Roswell. See also a number of whistleblowers testimonies on top secret corporate military projects focused on reverse engineering ET technology in Greer, Disclosure.
 See Banyan, “Rockefeller Internationalism”, Nexus Magazine, 22; and Jim Marrs, Rule by Secrecy ( Harper Collins, 2000) 31-38.
 Marrs, Rule by Secrecy, 36.
 See Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 207-10. See also Michael Wolfe, Catchers of Heaven: A Trilogy (Dorrance Publishing Co., 1996).
 Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 209-210. Another source for Kissinger’s leadership position is former Air force Colonel Steve Wilson who described Kissinger as the overseer of MJ12/PI-40. See online interview with Dr Richard Boylan, at http://www.drboylan.com/mj12org2.html
 Behold a Pale Horse, 210.
 For this reason, William Cooper claims that in the documents he witnessed, this body was called Majority 12. Behold a Pale Horse, 208
 Cooper, Beyond a Pale Horse, 208-10. For Hoover’s knowledge of ETs/UFO’s, see Marrs, Alien Agenda, 180-81.
 Eisenhower Presidential Departure Speech, January 1961.
 Stephen Greer is a leading advocate of the view that the lack of congressional/executive oversight of clandestine military projects and decision making processes, is evidence that a silent coup has occurred. See Greer, Extraterrestrial Contact.
 Quoted in “Testimony of Brigadier General Steven Lovekin,” in Disclosure, ed. Greer, 235.
 Available online at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/johnf.htm
 Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 215. For further references to Kennedy’s ultimatum and documentary sources supporting that this had indeed occurred: see Linda Moulton Howe, JFK, MJ-12 and Outer Space, Available online at: ttp://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/kennedy&1.htm
 One of the strongest advocates for such a view is Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 215-20. For similar views from government/military insiders, see Linda Moulton Howe, JFK, MJ-12 and Outer Space, Available online at: ttp://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/kennedy&1.htm
 For whistleblower testimony from a military contractor on the loss of executive oversight, see “Testimony of A.H. Boeing Aerospace,” Disclosure, ed. Greer, 401.
 For Steven Greer’s description of various administrations not having this information, see Extaterrestrial Contact.
 Corso, The Day After After Roswell, 290. See also, “Testimony of Master Sergeant Dan Morris, US Airforce,” in Disclosure, ed., Stephen Greer, 358.
 As mentioned earlier, Cooper believes Kissinger was one of the two directors of PI-40. Behold A Pale Horse, 210.
 See Richard Dolan, UFO’s and the National Security State, 4-15. Marrs, Alien Agenda, 98-107.
 See Dolan, UFO’s and the National Security State, 4-15. See also “Testimony of Master Sergeant Dan Morris,” Disclosure, ed., Greer, 363.
 For a brief biographical summary of Kissinger, see Seymour Hersh, The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon Whitehouse (Summit Books, 1983) 25-27
 For evidence of the relationship between the Army’s Counterintelligence Corp and the ET presence, see the following declassified report from 22 July 1947 concerning the Roswell incident. http://22.214.171.124/pdf/ipu_report.pdf
 See Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 207.
 See Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 202-04; Richard Boylan, “Official Within MJ-12 UFO-Secrecy Management Group Reveals Insider Secrets,” http://www.drboylan.com/wolfdoc2.html ; Phil Schneider, MUFON Conference Presentation, 1995, available online at: http://www.ufocoverup-conspiracy.com/20.htm ; See Neruda Interview #1, http://www.wingmakers.com ; Boylan gives a more extensive coverage of events surrounding the Treaty signing in “Extraterrestrial Base On Earth, Sanctioned By Officials Since 1954,” http://drboylan.com/basespst2.html ; See also Corso, The Day After Roswell, 292
 See Testimony of A.H. Boeing Aerospace, Disclosure, Greer, 400; Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 210.
 See Testimony of A.H. Boeing Aerospace, Disclosure, Greer, 400; Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 210.
 See Phillip Corso, The Day After Roswell, 287-95.
 Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 210.
 See Seymour Hersh, The Price of Power, 18.
 For discussion of the Secret Studies Group, see Richard Boyland http://www.boyland.org
 Seymour M. Hersh, The Price of Power.
 See Hersh, The Price of Power, 32-34.
 Hersh, The Price of Power, 36.
 For Kissinger’s fondness of Bismark and realpolitik, see Kissinger, Diplomacy (Simon and Shuster, 1994). See also Kissinger, Does America Need a Foreign Policy: Toward a Diplomacy for the 21st Century (Touchstone, 2002).
 Both Kissinger and Bismark admired the work of the Renaissance scholar, Nicholo Machiavelli who espoused this view concerning morality in his famous work, The Prince.
 For a copy of Carter’s report, see Greer, ed., Disclosure, 448-50.
 See “Testimony of A.H. Boeing Aerospace,” in Disclosure, ed. Greer, 400-01; and “Testimony of Mr John Maynard, (ret) Defense Intelligence Agency,” in Disclosure, ed. Greer 426; and “Testimony of Phillip Corso, Jr.,” in Disclosure, ed. Greer, 469.
 See “Testimony of Dr Alfred Webre, Senior Policy Analyst,” in Disclosure, ed. Greer, 441-44
 See Study Paper #3!
 For references to Reagan’s anti-ET rhetoric, see “Ronald Reagan, 40th President, January 20, 1981-January 20, 1989.” Online article at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/reagan_ufo_story.htm
 See “Ronald Reagan, 40th President, January 20, 1981-January 20, 1989.” Online article at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/reagan_ufo_story.htm
 For discussion of ET infiltration of clandestine organizations, see Michael Salla, “Responding to Extraterrestrial Infiltration of Clandestine Organizations Embedded in Military, Intelligence and Government Departments, Study Paper 4” www.exopolitics.org May 31, 2003.
 For a revealing insight into the rigidity he adopted in his thinking, see his response to a CIA briefing on the Palestinian issue when he was President-elect. “Ronald Reagan, 40th President, January 20, 1981-January 20, 1989.” Online article at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/reagan_ufo_story.htm
 “Ronald Reagan, 40th President, January 20, 1981-January 20, 1989.” Online article at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/reagan_ufo_story.htm
 See “Ronald Reagan, 40th President, January 20, 1981-January 20, 1989.” Online article at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/reagan_ufo_story.htm
 “Ronald Reagan, 40th President, January 20, 1981-January 20, 1989.” Online article at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/reagan_ufo_story.htm
 “Ronald Reagan, 40th President, January 20, 1981-January 20, 1989.” Online article at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/reagan_ufo_story.htm
 Corso, The Day After Roswell, 291-93.
 See Glenn Krawczyk, “Mind Control and the New World Order,” Nexus Magazine (Feb/March 1993) excerpts available online at: http://www.projectfreedom.cng1.com/mc_nwo.html
 See Webster G. Tarpley & Anton Chaitkin, George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography, published online at http://www.kmf.org/williams/bushbook/bush15.html
 For analysis of factors for why the Cold War ended, see Ralph Summy and Michael Salla, ed., Why the Cold War Ended (Greenwood Press, 1995)
 This certainly is Stephen Greer’s view after interviewing/briefing various senior officials in the Clinton administration. Extraterrestrial Contact.
 Dr. Steven Greer Interview with Art Bell August 30, 2001, available online at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/part5.htm
 Available online at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/part5.htm
 “Remarks by the President and the First Lady at a the Lighting of the City Christmas Tree,” Belfast City Hall, Belfast, Northern Ireland, November 1995. Published online at: http://www.presidentialufo.8m.com/part8.htm
 See Zecharia Sitchin, The 12th Planet (Avon Books, 1976)
 See Michael Salla, “America’s Triumph & Europe’s Angst - The Secret Race to Control Iraq’s ET Technology,” Study Paper No. 3, www.exopolitics.org
 See Brent Scowcroft, “Don't Attack Saddam: It would undermine our antiterror efforts.” Wall Street Journal, August 15, 2002 ; http://opinionjournal.com/editorial/feature.html?id=110002133
 President George Bush, “Address to the United Nations General Assembly,” New York, NY September 12, 2002. Available online at: http://www.cfr.org/publication.php?id=4834.xml
 See “Transatlantic anger” Daily Telegraph, 11/02/2003, Available online at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2003/02/11/wirq211a.xml
 See “Testimony of A.H. Boeing Aerospace,” Disclosure, 401.