The recently established United States Space Force is widely considered to be the brainchild of President Donald Trump, which has subsequently aroused suspicion, if not outright opposition, by those believing it to be a grandiose vanity project with no genuine national security significance. However, the first proposal for a Space Force dates back to a bipartisan “Space Commission” established during the Clinton administration that delivered a detailed report on January 11, 2001, recommending a new military space service to be called “Space Corps”. The chief goal of the Space Corps would be to prevent a future “Space Pearl Harbor”.
What is even more intriguing in tracking the historical origin of Space Force is that the Space Commission was headed by Donald Rumsfeld, a former Secretary of Defense (1975-1977), who has a mysterious history in UFO investigations, the study and reverse engineering of captured extraterrestrial technologies, and in recruiting individuals for secret space programs. Rumsfeld’s leadership of the Space Commission, and his second appointment as Secretary of Defense (2001-2006) under President George Bush, led to Commission members believing that legislation for creating a Space Force was imminent.
What happened eight months later completely derailed any hope for prospective legislation creating a Space Corps, the September 11 attack, which evidence suggests was a false flag attack orchestrated by the Deep State. Only a day earlier, Rumsfeld had admitted on live T.V. that the Pentagon couldn’t properly account for a missing 2.3 trillion dollars. This had led to much speculation whether one of the motivations for the September 11 attack was to prevent serious investigations into the missing trillions.
Given Rumsfeld’s leadership role in proposing the creation of a Space Corps, his subsequent second appointment as Secretary of Defense, and his exposure of the missing trillions, a question that can be asked is whether another key purpose of the Deep State in launching the September 11 attack, was to stop the creation of a Space Corps? If so, then it appears that a Space Pearl Harbor is a scenario that the Deep State has been facilitating since at least 2001, and they were laying the groundwork for U.S. officials acknowledging such a threat while effectively doing nothing to prevent it.
It’s worth beginning with what the Commission report had to say about the creation of a military space service. The Report’s title is “Commission to Assess United States National Security Space Management and Organization”, and it was delivered nine days before the end of the Clinton administration on January 20, 2001.
The Report opens by affirming that its members were appointed in a bipartisan basis by the ranking members from both parties sitting on the Armed Services committees of the House of Representatives and Senate. It concentrated on space security and emphasized the importance of preventing a “Space Pearl Harbor” from a major adversary:
“An attack on elements of U.S. space systems during a crisis or conflict should not be considered an improbable act. If the U.S. is to avoid a “Space Pearl Harbor” it needs to take seriously the possibility of an attack on U.S. space systems. The nation’s leaders must assure that the vulnerability of the United States is reduced and that the consequences of a surprise attack on U.S. space assets are limited in their effects.” Space Commission Report, pp. viii-ix
In order to fully prepare for future contingencies in space, and any surprise attacks, the Commission report called for the establishment of a “Space Corps” as a new military service within the Department of the Air Force that would later evolve into a separate department:
“A Space Corps within the Department of the Air Force may be an appropriate model in its own right or a useful way station in the evolution toward a Space Department. One model is the Army Air Force’s relationship to the Army during World War II. Existing Air Force space forces, facilities, units and personnel, and military space missions could be transferred to a Corps. A Space Corps could have authority for acquisition and operation of space systems, perhaps to include both DoD and Intelligence Community systems, while leveraging existing Air Force logistics and support functions.” (Space Commission Report, p.81)
What’s surprising here is the remarkable similarity in what the Commission recommended, with President Trump’s proposal for a Space Force that was presented 18 years later.
In Space Policy Directive-4, issued on February 19, 2019, Trump declared:
“the Department of Defense shall take actions under existing authority to marshal its space resources to deter and counter threats in space, and to develop a legislative proposal to establish a United States Space Force as a sixth branch of the United States Armed Forces within the Department of the Air Force. This is an important step toward a future military department for space.”
This two-step evolutionary process is an important clue that Space Force was not merely a spontaneous creation of Trump’s that appeared to be the case the first time it was raised by him in a “not really serious” manner at a speech at USMC Miramar Air Station in March 2018:
My new national strategy for space recognizes that space is a war-fighting domain just like the land, air and sea. We may even have a Space Force.… You know, I was saying it the other day cause we’re doing a tremendous amount of work in space. I said ‘maybe we need a new force, we’ll call it the space force.’ And I was not really serious, and then I said ‘what a great idea, maybe we’ll have to do that.’
The similarities between Trump’s Space Policy Directive-4 and the Space Commission Report 18 years earlier suggest that Trump was briefed by those familiar with the Report and the idea of a military space service still had serious backing within the Pentagon.
It’s important to emphasize the critical role played by Rumsfeld, who was appointed Chairman of the Commission, making its recommendations for a Space Corps. Rumsfeld’s importance is outlined by the reporter John Tirpak, who wrote about the Space Commission report for Air Force Magazine on March 1, 2001:
Over the past decade, military space has generated a stream of reports from blue-ribbon panels. However, the recommendations of this one could carry considerable weight because its chairman, Donald H. Rumsfeld, has become Secretary of Defense…. Rumsfeld resigned as chairman of the panel when President Bush tapped him to head the Pentagon, a scant two weeks before the commission published its final Report. However, the Report is said to reflect much of Rumsfeld’s thinking on space organization issues and could well serve as a blueprint for reorganization of military space.
Rumsfeld’s role led to General Ronald Fogelman, a newly retired USAF Chief of Staff (1994 -1997) and prominent member of the 2001 Space Commission publicly stating the creation of a Space Corps was imminent:
The commission’s chairman-Donald Rumsfeld-is now the Secretary of Defense, and so military space issues are fresh in his mind, said Fogleman. He added that some sort of restructuring likely will happen soon.
“If I were a betting man, I would bet you that in the [Defense Department] legislative proposal that comes to the Hill this year, this will be in there,” Fogleman said.
On September 10, 2001, Rumsfeld appeared on live television, saying that the Pentagon could not account for 2.3 trillion dollars in the fiscal year 1999.
This was money that could not be tracked by the Pentagon Inspector General, who had described similar anomalies with the Pentagon budget in 1998 and 2000. In my 2003 Black Budget Report, I explained how the missing trillions were part of a massive CIA run unofficial black budget created to fund a second Manhattan Project – a vast number of Unacknowledged Special Access Programs involving research and development of retrieved extraterrestrial technologies.
Rumsfeld said in his interview that he would wage a bureaucratic war to bring about changes to properly track money flowing through the Pentagon.
Rumsfeld’s remarkable admission was overshadowed the next day by the September 11 attack. His admission raises a number of possible explanations for this sequence of events and the effective shelving of a Space Corps for years to come.
One explanation is that Rumsfeld was among a group of “White Hats” wanting to expose or redirect some of the black budget money flowing through the Pentagon to fund new projects such as his proposed Space Corps that would prevent a future Space Pearl Harbor.
A second explanation is that Rumsfeld was a “Black Hat” fully briefed about the upcoming false flag attack and wanted to release the news about the missing trillions at a time when it would be completely overshadowed by the upcoming false flag attack and the global war on terror that would subsequently dominate the Bush administration.
Finally, Rumsfeld was a “Gray Hat” who had to simultaneously play the conflicting roles of running the Pentagon’s global war on terror, which effectively prevented a Space Corps being created, while behind the scenes doing what was possible to nurture the idea of a future Space Corps.
The latter explanation is strengthened by the circumstances surrounding Rumsfeld’s sacking on December 18, 2016, due to him backing successive troop withdrawals from Iraq, and opposition to the surge recommended by senior military advisors that was implemented by his successor, Robert Gates, in January 2007.
Whatever the precise relationship between Rumsfeld, the missing trillions, funding a Space Corps, and the September 11 attacks are, one thing is clear. The subsequent war on terror led to Pentagon prioritizing funding for military interventions throughout the Middle East and North Africa. Potential funding for the creation of a Space Corps was shelved, and it was resurrected nearly two decades later by President Trump.
In the meantime, China has secretly built a large Space Navy which will soon be capable of conducting the Space Pearl Harbor envisaged in the 2001 Space Commission report. China’s secret Space Navy was revealed by Lt General Steven Kwast (USAF ret.) in a September 2019 lecture:
China is our competition. Russia is our competition. They see the power of the economy of space … and they are rushing to that future…. China has already built the organization, and has the strategy, the doctrine and the technology, and the builders for their guardian force in space. They are building a navy in space with the equivalent of battleships and destroyers that will be able to maneuver and kill and communicate with dominance.
Will Space Force be funded and expanded in time to prevent such an attack from occurring? Will it be able to successfully integrate a small but highly advanced number of antigravity spacecraft that were part of a USAF secret space program developed and deployed in the 1970s?
Currently, the U.S. Congress has not passed defense appropriations bills necessary for funding new projects envisaged by Space Force for 2021. The delay has led to a rebuke of the Congressional delay by the Chief of Space Operations, General Jay Raymond, who is concerned that new Space Force projects will be delayed well into 2021.
Is this Congressional delay yet another stratagem by the Deep State to slow down the roll out of Space Force in order to facilitate a debilitating Space Pearl Harbor strike by China and/or another major adversary in the near future?
© Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice
[Note: for audio version of this article, click here]
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In Part One of this series, it was shown that Andrew Basiago’s run for the 2016 Presidential election is partly based on his belief that he was pre-identified as a future U.S. President in a CIA/DARPA run time travel program called “Project Pegasus.” The Project’s main purpose was to gather intelligence from past and future world events, including the election of upcoming Presidents.
Subsequent to his involvement in Project Pegasus (1969-72), Basiago claims that from 1980 to 1984, he was recruited into a second CIA-led project that involved the use of teleportation technology for travel to Mars. These “Jump Rooms” led to him and others traveling to the Red Planet on multiple occasions witnessing indigenous life on Mars, as well as secret bases there.
In 1980, at the start of the CIA Mars Jump Room project, Basiago claims that he learned that Barack Obama had also been pre-identified as a future President and even Basiago himself was destined to become a U.S. President:
Barack Obama also was told; because when he and I were serving in the Mars Jump Room Program, we were being trained under Ed Dames in the summer of 1980, at College of the Siskiyous, in Weed, California. His Presidency and mine were being openly discussed by who was present …
Basiago further claimed that in 1980, he and Barack Obama actually were roommates while being briefed about upcoming jump room teleportation to Mars:
So, Barack Obama was not only aware of his Presidency when we were being trained in 1980, when he was 19 years old – and just turned 19 in August of ’80 – but when we were rooming together briefly, a couple of days – at the College of the Siskiyous. He was reading briefing documents that they were giving him to groom him for the Presidency. [emphasis added]
Importantly, Basiago is here declaring that the CIA was actively grooming Obama for the Presidency by giving him access to briefing documents. In other words, according to Basiago, Obama is a CIA sanctioned U.S. President.
Basiago is not alone in claiming that Obama was groomed by the CIA to become a future President. Investigative reporter Wayne Madsen was the first to make such a claim in August 2010 in a three part series of articles. He followed this up in a 2012 book titled, Manufacturing a President: The CIA’s Insertion of Barack H. Obama, Jr. into the White House.
Basiago added an unexpected twist to the Obama CIA relationship, Obama’s Presidential grooming began during a covert program involving teleportation to Mars. This predictably has resulted in much controversy over Basiago’s claims, and has led to him being ridiculed as evidenced by a Colbert Report on October 11, 2012 examining his Mars Jump room testimony.
However, there have been other whistleblowers that have made similar claims of teleportation technologies that enable travel to Mars. Whistleblowers such as Michael Relfe and Henry Deacon (aka Arthur Neumann) have gone on the public record to claim that they used similar teleportation technologies for travel to Mars.
Another whistleblower, Corey Goode, claims that teleportation technologies were first developed by Germany and used as early as the 1940s for transporting equipment to secret bases on Mars. He says that these German bases were later greatly expanded in collaboration with the U.S. military industrial complex.
Basiago’s claims about participating in a classified CIA teleportation project to Mars in 1980, is plausible given what other independent whistleblowers have claimed.
If Basiago is correct in his core claims about the two classified projects he participated in, is it possible that he is also correct that Obama was groomed by the CIA to be President during a Mars Jump Room project? If so, has Basiago also been groomed by the CIA to be a future President, and his 2016 election bid is part of a CIA sanctioned disclosure program?
Has the CIA Groomed Andrew Basiago to be the U.S. Disclosure President?
Basiago’s claims have led to much close scrutiny and criticism by veteran UFO and exopolitics researchers. I have critiqued claims by Basiago of being himself the discoverer of life on Mars, which he based on his analysis of Mars Rover images in a paper he published in December 2008.
I found his claims to be both unconvincing and unprofessional for a practicing attorney, because he refused to consult independent image analysis experts to corroborate his paper’s findings. His refusal led to me criticizing him as a “crackpot by design.”
After his initial public emergence in 2008, Basiago came forward again to reveal his involvement in the CIA and DARPA run Project Pegasus in November 2009. He followed this up with his revelations about the Mars Jump Room program in August 2011. To his credit, Basiago has done a lot of subsequent work in finding additional whistleblowers, witnesses and documents to support his controversial claims.
There have been a number of individuals who have come forward to claim that they were also part of the CIA’s teleportation program to Mars. Brett Stillings and Bernard Mendez attest that they were part of this program. They have corroborated Basiago’s claim that in addition to Obama, other prominent public individuals such as Regina E. Dugan, Mary Jean Eisenhower and Admiral Stansfield Turner were also part of these programs.
Basiago has conducted numerous independent investigations to corroborate his testimony, and has given details of additional evidence he has discovered in interviews. Included here are comments by David Baker, a former engineer from the Parsons company.
Baker corroborated Basiago’s account of the different engineers that Basiago claimed to have met who worked at Parsons. This makes for powerful corroboration that Basiago was indeed present during his father’s dealings with other Parsons company engineers in “special projects” that were highly classified.
In reviewing the extensive details and evidence supplied by Basiago over his participation in Project Pegasus and Mars Jump-room projects, I have found little to cast doubt on Basiago’s version of events as he has narrated them. Indeed, the evidence he has supplied to corroborate his testimony is impressive in its scope, and leads to the conclusion that Basiago is sincerely telling the truth about events he personally witnessed and experienced in great detail.
Basiago, therefore, does not appear to be lying when he claims to have worked in classified joint CIA and DARPA run projects dealing with time travel and Mars teleportation technologies.
However, there is an important caveat here which needs to be considered when evaluating his reliability as a whistleblower and Presidential candidate. Basiago is on the record as saying that he and Barack Obama were pre-identified by the CIA as future Presidents. He has said that Obama was subsequently groomed by the CIA to be President. This suggests that Basiago has similarly been groomed, and is part of a CIA sanctioned disclosure program.
Is Basiago part of a CIA Sanctioned Disclosure Program?
It is natural to assume that the time travel technologies used by Basiago, to provide intelligence for the CIA, would also be used for operational security purposes. Among these would be determining Basiago’s reliability, as far as maintaining secrecy in the future was concerned.
Basiago’s later decision, as an adult, to become a whistleblower was almost certainly anticipated very early through psychological profiling. This would have very likely led to the same CIA operated time travel technologies being used to identify him as a future whistleblower.
Basiago says that he heard Donald Rumsfeld reveal plans that he and other Project Pegasus participants would, after completing High School, go the Naval Academy in Annapolis. As a Navy officer, Basiago was to continue working in covert programs as he recalls Rumsfeld saying:
Secretary Rumsfeld was explaining to my father – he literally said: “What we plan to do with the kids is in high school, we’re going to admit them to the Naval Academy, as first-year plebes, when they graduate from high school; and we’ll use that as a pretext for involving them in future project activities.” So there, in 1971/72, they were already planning for what our destiny was going to be in the fall of 1979. And Rumsfeld was aware of what the major plan was.
However, Basiago states that he rebelled against this plan, which he was expected to follow, and chose a civilian life instead:
… my Dad sat me down in high school and told me I was going to the Naval Academy – which I ultimately rejected as an option …
It’s important to keep in mind here that as a 17/18 year old in 1979, Basiago had refused to follow the advice of not only his father, but also a former Secretary of Defense – Rumsfeld held this position during the Ford Administration from 1975 to 1977.
Due to his refusal to pursue a Naval career, psychological profiling would have revealed that Basiago was a future security threat for the Project Pegasus program. This predictably would have led to additional security screening using the time travel technologies, which would have revealed Basiago’s role as a future whistleblower.
Yet during his undergraduate study at UCLA, Basiago says he was recruited into another CIA project. The leads to a troubling question. Why would the CIA ignore the red flag raised by Basiago’s refusal to follow a DARPA/CIA sanctioned career path, and instead reward his rebellion with access to yet another CIA project, this time involving jump-room technologies to Mars?
From his time as a participant in this second CIA classified program, Basiago describes an incident that provides an answer. He says that in 1983, as a 22 year old, he was asked by his CIA handler, Courtney Hunt, to travel to an elementary school to meet with a 10 year girl called Hesper Natalie. Hunt was aware that 27 years later, in 2010, she would help publicly confirm that Basiago had participated in Project Pegasus, and was a genuine whistleblower.
We also have other theories, possibly of what Hunt was doing. Hunt may have had… may have taken Hesper’s name from my Montauk Chair writings – my file that pertained to travelling to the future in the Montauk Chair as a child – and then decided to have me meet her as a child; because then when we met in real time, that would basically improve my involvement in the program.
This is where Basiago reasons that Hunt, along with his father, were in fact “White Hats” in the CIA wanting to publicly disclose the truth about teleportation technologies in the future:
So it may have been actually something basically positively serepetitious [sic] that Hunt was doing to undermine the secrecy of the project. But nonetheless, we not only have one of the Montauk girls here, but we have somebody from my past who knows I’m telling the truth – because the CIA had me go and meet her – what was it, Hesper, 27 years before we met in real time ?
The above quotes need to be carefully considered in evaluating Basiago’s testimony. What they reveal is that Basiago’s handler, Hunt, and therefore the CIA, was well aware of the possibility that Basiago would become a whistleblower and disclose classified programs that he was involved with.
Rather than take steps to prevent this, the CIA would instead actively help him by arranging for meetings to occur, such as meeting Hesper in 1983, so that later in 2010, she would meet him again and therefore support him as a bona fide whistleblower.
This leads to the conclusion that Basiago was identified as a future whistleblower by the CIA, and was therefore exposed to events, people and circumstances that would shape and influence his later testimony. This suggests that Basiago’s whistleblowing activities are part of a long-term CIA sanctioned disclosure program, which is based on pre-identifying and grooming future Presidents.
Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice