Posts Tagged ‘US Congress’

On July 23, the New York Times released an article describing classified UFO briefings delivered to the US Congress and the Pentagon by Dr. Eric Davis, a prominent astrophysicist, researching “out of the box” scientific phenomena since 1996. The authors of the New York Times story, Leslie Kean and Ralph Blumenthal, provided few details of the briefings other than Davis’ sensational claim that UFOs (aka UAPs) involved “off-world vehicles not made on this earth”.

The New York Times article was quickly picked up by other major media such as the Huffington Post, Popular Mechanics, and popular news sites that included Yahoo News. More recently, Scientific American called for a resumption of scientific studies on UFOs in a very telling sign that mainstream scientists are finally paying attention.

Senator Marco Rubio was informed about the classified briefing given by Dr. Davis to staffers from the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, which Rubio currently heads. He subsequently arranged for his Committee to give a bipartisan vote of approval (14-1) for the Intelligence Community to write up a comprehensive report on UFOs/UAPs in 180 days after the Bill’s passage into law.

Significantly, the Director of National Intelligence was instructed that the “report shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified annex”. This means that the report is intended to be released to the general public.

What is missing in the New York Times article and subsequent news stories are the precise details of what Davis briefed members of Congress and Pentagon officials. It can be assumed that the briefings involved information derived from a 15-page leaked transcript/summary of an October 16, 2002 conversation between Dr. Davis and Vice Admiral Thomas Wilson, who retired as the Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, only a few months before the meeting.

I covered the Davis and Wilson leaked document in a three-part series (available here, here and here). Put simply, the document revealed Wilson’s failed efforts in 1997 to gain access to an Unacknowledged Special Access Program, which he had learned involved a corporation studying a retrieved UFO/extraterrestrial craft. Wilson had hoped Davis could shed light on what was happening in the corporate reverse engineering program.

While it is highly likely that parts of the 15-page document were included in Davis’ classified briefings to Congressional staffers and Pentagon officials, we don’t know what conclusions Davis had reached about what Wilson had confidentially shared with him. The leaked document focused on Wilson’s experiences, rather than what Davis knew about the topic.

Consequently, an interview given by Davis on May 10, 2019, five months before his briefing to Congressional staffers, where he gave his evaluation of UFOs and extraterrestrial life becomes highly significant. The interview gives us a very good idea of what Davis told Congress and the Pentagon, which has now been made an issue of national importance due to the New York Times story, and the looming Intelligence Community report destined to emerge in early 2021.

In fact, a strong case can be made that Davis’ briefings will be used as the fulcrum of a UFO/UAP disclosure narrative that will emerge in early 2021 with the release of the unclassified intelligence UAP report to Congress. This is where there is much in what Davis told Congressional staffers and Pentagon officials that raises alarming red flags that a “limited hangout” is being prepared over classified programs involving the retrieval and reverse engineering of crashed UFOs.

While the truth will be told of the non-Earthly origin of some retrieved UFOs, the successful reverse engineering of such craft by major aerospace corporations will be hidden from the public, along with the existence of visiting extraterrestrial life.

What follows is my analysis of Davis’s comments in the interview he conducted with Alejandro Rojas from Open Minds TV, which is available both in audio form on YouTube and as a rough transcript from an automated translation. I have corrected Rojas’ rough transcript using the original interview in my extracts below, which include the YouTube timestamps [YT].

In discussing the origins of the three videos showing UFO craft videotaped by Navy pilots in 2004 and 2015, and officially acknowledged as genuine by the Department of the Navy, Davis declares such advanced technology has not been developed by any government or nation:

[29:28 YT] In a matter of three to five seconds, you’re not basically talking about human technology. There is no Russian or Chinese or North Korean or Iranian or anybody else. No, NATO or any other Alliance, or non-Alliance country, non-Allied countries have any sort of technology that can perform the way these Tic Tacs were found to be performing….

The things we’re seeing are not shaped in the usual typical way that we humans would shape them. So you, you got to come up with another hypothesis and the only hypothesis is something unknown. And then its got a good chance that it’s not human technology….

Davis goes on to assert that the UFOs are operating on a new physics and humanity currently doesn’t have the means to replicate this:

[37:44 YT] In other words, they don’t, the objects don’t follow the aerodynamic rules of engineering. Okay, they just don’t. Okay, and that’s driven by physics. And they are not saying that they’re breaking the laws of physics. So don’t quote me on anything having to do with why they’re operating on a new physics, we have an event, or no, they’re breaking the laws of physics, it is possible to operating on the physics we haven’t invented or haven’t discovered yet. That’s possible, we don’t know. So anyway, the point is, is that these things are operating there you go way outside the envelope of our engineering and physics technologies. And, and I can guarantee you that no laws of physics are broken whatsoever.

Davis declares that the UFOs and their advanced flight capacities are not something that can be manufactured given the present level of technological development on Earth:

[38:58 YT] And these things don’t look like anything that we can manufacture on Earth. So we don’t have the manufacturing or industrial technology for it. We don’t have engineering for it. In other words, the blueprints and designs to get something … shaped like air fighter-sized piece of candy mouth mint and get that to fly through the air stably. And do the wonderful things that they do in the years reported by the F-18 pilots associated with the Nimitz Carrier Strike Group.

Davis is then asked about the truth of reports of UFO crashes and whether the craft have been retrieved for classified studies. He answers:  

[1:14:32 YT] Yeah, there have been crashes. The super powers on the Earth have had their share of crashes. And they have recovered the vehicles from their crashes.

Davis goes on to explain how the truth about classified studies of recovered alien spacecraft is kept from most public officials:

[1:15:30 YT] So yeah, they have that technology. We do too. And it’s a very super sensitive topic. Because it’s something that your listeners, you’re probably going to be shocked at… probably a minute fraction, it’s like less than 1/1000th or 1/100,000th of the people with the “need to know” access, “need to know” authorization, and security clearances to be involved with that type of work, are the only ones that know. The vast majority of the rest of the government really doesn’t know. And that’s why one hand, like the right hand doesn’t know what the left hand is doing…

Davis was likely referring to the process whereby even senior military officials like Admiral Wilson, with high level security clearances and “need to know” authorization, was still denied access to classified studies of retrieved non-Earthly spacecraft.

Davis elaborates on the complexity of the security clearances system in finding the truth about what’s happening in unacknowledged special access programs:

[1:16:16 YT] Because of the stovepipe thing that goes on in compartmentalized programs … you just can’t knock on doors and say, Hey, here’s who I am … I got clearances, but not the right ones. I don’t have a need to know. But I want to know, so can you tell me…. You’re going to be lied to, because that’s, that’s the rule. You don’t want to tell the enemy anything, when this guy is knocking on your door asking you about UFO crashes, could be an asset for the Soviet Union or the Russian Federation, or the Chinese PLA, or the nincompoops over in Iran and North Korea and so forth.

So, you know, even if it’s an American, you still don’t want to answer that question because you don’t know who they are. And you’re not supposed to be revealing that information. So it takes a lot of hard tracking and digging after working. And it can take years and years and years. And then you develop the security clearances and the authorization for you to know that appropriately … allow you access to that information, then you find out hey, yeah, it’s there, it’s true.

On the other hand, sometimes the information does come out on its own. But it doesn’t come out in the way that UFOlogy likes to fantasize about it. It comes out only to specific people, who have specific talents or skills, who have security clearances, they may not have the need to know. But they could have the need to know if they were presented with that requirement.

At this stage in his interview, Davis comments on the Disclosure Project witnesses that Dr Steven Greer arranged to come forward in 2001 in a ground-breaking Press Conference. According to Davis, most of Greer’s witnesses were crackpots and just “noise” when it came to identifying the genuine signal in the available public information on retrieved UFOs:

[1:21:05 YT] A good majority of them were crackpots, they were phonies. But there was a small number of them that were the real deal. And so he successfully picked up a very small number of them, and got some information. And now, as to the veracity and quality of that information. That’s another story.

But he did get some interesting information.… the information was not … verifiable. In other words, once people looked into it, they said, yeah, this is realistic. Whereas a good chunk, a good chunk of his disclosure witnesses. You know, they had middle of the road guys, they had some information, but it was too purple. It was just anecdotal.

And then you had the guys that were real liars. He’s got a chunk of liars out there … I don’t know how much effort he spent on vetting any of those people. And I’m not going to name names of who they are. It’s not important, because … the fact that they have no real information means it’s noise. We’re dealing with signal, we’re interested in signal and science folks, not the noise. Check the noise.

Next, Davis went on to elaborate on Greer’s witnesses who claimed to have first-hand knowledge of crash retrieval operations:

[1:22:25 YT] So, he did have a small signal of people that had verifiable information…. They came forward, they gave him information that was freely given to him. But it was after the fact, it was never expected that it could be acted upon. The people that gave him information … weren’t directly involved with the crash retrieval at all. They actually were either peripheral, or they heard it from somebody reliable. So the vertical information was high quality, but they were not first-hand people.

Davis is here suggesting, for example, that Clifford Stone, a 22 year US Army veteran, who was interviewed by Greer and claimed to have had first-hand knowledge of multiple crashed UFOs retrieved by the US military, was a crackpot and liar. There are many reasons to dispute Davis’ information when it comes to Stone’s testimony who has been successfully interviewed many times over several decades, and has maintained the same story with consistency and sincerity.

Davis provides no evidence that Stone or other Disclosure Projects witnesses are lying or crackpots, consequently his assertions need to be considered as unverified or misinformed. This is a major red flag that Davis testimony may be part of a “limited hangout” that is being unveiled to the American and World publics through the New York Times, arguably the most important media organ of the CIA and the Deep State.

The most significant aspect of Davis’s interview is his assertion that UFO crash retrievals were part of a small unsuccessful program that was terminated in 1989, around the time the famed whistleblower, Bob Lazar, emerged with his experiences claiming something very similar had occurred during his time at the S-4 facility at Area 51.

Continued in Part 2

© Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice

[Note: an Audio version of this article is available here]

Further Reading

 

The New York Times has just released a bombshell article on classified UFO briefings received by members of U.S. Congress and Pentagon officials that the craft involved are “off-world vehicles not made on this earth”. The New York Times (NYT) story cites Dr. Eric Davis, a physicist currently working with the Aerospace Corporation, who gave briefings that classified corporate studies were being conducted on the “off-world vehicles” recovered and held in corporate facilities.

The authors of the NYT story, Ralph Blumenthal and Leslie Kean wrote the following about Dr. Davis’s groundbreaking briefings:

Mr. Davis, who now works for Aerospace Corporation, a defense contractor, said he gave a classified briefing to a Defense Department agency as recently as March about retrievals from “off-world vehicles not made on this earth.”

Mr. Davis said he also gave classified briefings on retrievals of unexplained objects to staff members of the Senate Armed Services Committee on Oct. 21, 2019, and to staff members of the Senate Intelligence Committee two days later.

Given Davis’s revelations it’s therefore not surprising that the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence asked the Intelligence Community to write a comprehensive report on Unidentified Aerial Phenomena (UAPs aka UFOs) in six month. This request was included in the proposed Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021:

The Committee supports the efforts of the Unidentified Aerial Phenomenon Task Force at the Office of Naval Intelligence to standardize collection and reporting on unidentified aerial phenomenon, any links they have to adversarial foreign governments, and the threat they pose to U.S. military assets and installations.

Blumenthal and Kean discuss former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and Senator Marco Rubio’s recent comments about the briefings they received, which involved Davis and other officials.

Of particular note was Rubio’s recent comments in an interview that the UFO craft have been recorded flying over U.S. military bases, which is a far more significant revelation than the unknown craft flying over the ocean in Navy testing areas as evidenced in leaked videos recently acknowledged by the Navy as genuine.

Dr. Davis’s testimony is important since, in 2019, a 15-page document was leaked of his conversation with a former head of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) in 2002. In the conversation, Vice Admiral Thomas Wilson revealed to Davis details about an incident in 1997 when he was denied access to a classified UFO program run by a major aerospace corporate contractor despite being, at the time, the Deputy Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency and Vice Director for Intelligence (VJ2) for the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Wilson appealed unsuccessfully to the Special Access Programs Oversight Committee (SAPOC) that had authority over the corporate-run program. Surprisingly, the Committee ruled in favor of the corporation that Wilson did not have a demonstrable “need to know”, and therefore he was denied access.

The corporate contractor’s power stemmed from a 1994 agreement reached with SAPOC that gave the corporation the authority to restrict access to UFO related programs from Pentagon officials regardless of their rank and position, as Wilson complained about in the leaked 15-page document:

Special criteria were established in agreement. A special circumstance that must meet rigorous access criteria set by contractor committee. No USG personnel are to gain access unless they met the criteria – to be administered by contractor committee (program director, attorney, security director) irregardless of the tickets and position USG personnel possess. Literally their way or the highway. [Transcript/Summary p. 11]

Nevertheless, Wilson subsequently learned that the corporate contractor had been unsuccessfully attempting to reverse engineer a retrieved extraterrestrial vehicle. He wanted to know if Davis, who at the time worked with EarthTech, an Austin, Texas-based organization involved in advanced studies of aerospace technologies, knew anything more about the corporate UFO program.

The fact that the New York Times has run the story involving Davis and his knowledge of the corporate-run reverse engineering company is highly significant. As the official “paper of record”, the NYT is now opening the door to mainstream media sites picking up the threads of Davis’s astounding revelations and the leaked transcript of his 2002 conversation with Vice Admiral Wilson.

The likely narrative that will be emerging from the NYT story is that classified corporate-run programs on recovered extraterrestrial craft are very real, and not the imagination of UFO conspiracy theorists. This development will astound many working professionals that have ignored decades of testimonial evidence that such programs were being secretly conducted at multiple military and corporate facilities.

What remains to be answered is how did the corporations get their hands on recovered UFO craft, and were able to keep key Pentagon officials such as Admiral Wilson out of the loop? Why did the Pentagon officials running the Special Access Program Oversight Committee deny Wilson access despite his very senior status at the DIA and Joint Chiefs of Staff?

Another important question to ask is whether the information that corporations have made very slow progress in reverse engineering of retrieved extraterrestrial craft, as Wilson revealed to Davis in their 2002 conversation, is to be believed. According to multiple insider accounts discussed in my Secret Space Programs Book series, reverse engineering of captured flying saucer craft began in the 1940s, the first prototype craft were flight tested in the 1960s, and were subsequently deployed in the 1970s and 1980s.

While there may be ongoing reverse engineering programs in corporations that are making slow progress, as Admiral Wilson was told in 2002, there is much testimonial evidence that major aerospace corporate contractors have made significant progress decades earlier.

Why therefore release into the public arena information that select U.S. corporations have been conducting slow and largely unsuccessful studies of captured extraterrestrial craft? A possible answer is that those in charge of the reverse engineering programs in the U.S. don’t want the public to know that such technologies were successfully reverse-engineered and deployed decades ago by the U.S. Air Force and Navy in collaboration with select U.S. corporate contractors.

Furthermore, the NYT story contributes to the narrative that other nations, e.g., China and Russia, have gotten their hands on similar off-world technologies and they have successfully reverse-engineered these, and may be behind the UFO/UAP sightings by Navy pilots as Senators Rubio and Reid have been speculating.

Such a conclusion feeds the perception that the U.S. is behind China and Russia on developing such breakthrough technologies, and that extraterrestrials constitute the ultimate threat if they suddenly choose to intervene in human affairs.

Many will rightfully interpret the New York Times story as promoting a narrative that leads to a possible alien intervention that may be either genuine or contrived by those possessing such reverse-engineered technologies that were successfully studied in corporate facilities decades ago. Nevertheless, many inquiring minds will be inspired to dive deep into the UFO and “exopolitics” literature to learn the truth about classified alien reverse-engineering programs that insiders and researchers have been disclosing for years, often to widespread ridicule and retribution from their peers.

© Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice

[Note: an Audio version of this article is available here]

Further Reading

The US Senate Select Committee for Intelligence has just approved a bill that includes a request for the Intelligence Community to write up a comprehensive report on Unidentified Aerial Phenomena (UAPs, aka UFOs) in 180 days. Most importantly, the report will be unclassified, meaning that its findings are intended to be released to the general public.

The eventual Intelligence Community report is intended to be a comprehensive interagency breakdown and analysis of what’s behind the UAP phenomena. Will the report turn out to be  the official disclosure announcement that UFO activists have been working towards for decades, or will it become a limited hangout to hide the  truth?

In the comments portion of the proposed Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021 there is a section titled “Advanced Aerial Threats”, which begins by asserting the Committee’s concerns that no unified reporting mechanism exists for UAPs/UFOs given the potential threat they pose to US national security:

The Committee supports the efforts of the Unidentified Aerial Phenomenon Task Force at the Office of Naval Intelligence to standardize collection and reporting on unidentified aerial phenomenon, any links they have to adversarial foreign governments, and the threat they pose to U.S. military assets and installations. However, the Committee remains concerned that there is no unified, comprehensive process within the Federal Government for collecting and analyzing intelligence on unidentified aerial phenomena, despite the potential threat.

It’s important to emphasize that the Committee is particularly concerned about UAPs and “any links they have to adversarial foreign governments.”

The bill goes on to propose that the Director of National Intelligence (DNI) oversees the development of a comprehensive report:

Therefore, the Committee directs the DNI, in consultation with the Secretary of Defense and the heads of such other agencies as the Director and Secretary jointly consider relevant, to submit a report within 180 days of the date of enactment of the Act, to the congressional intelligence and armed services committees on unidentified aerial phenomena (also known as ‘‘anomalous aerial vehicles’’), including observed airborne objects that have not been identified.

The Senate Committee next outlines the different intelligence sources that are required to submit information for the report. The exhaustive listing shows that the report is intended to be very comprehensive:

The Committee further directs the report to include:

    1. A detailed analysis of unidentified aerial phenomena data and intelligence reporting collected or held by the Office of Naval Intelligence, including data and intelligence reporting held by the Unidentified Aerial Phenomena Task Force;
    2. A detailed analysis of unidentified phenomena data collected by:
    3. geospatial intelligence;
    4. signals intelligence;
    5. human intelligence; and
    6. measurement and signals intelligence;
    7. A detailed analysis of data of the FBI, which was derived from investigations of intrusions of unidentified aerial phenomena data over restricted United States airspace;
    8. A detailed description of an interagency process for ensuring timely data collection and centralized analysis of all unidentified aerial phenomena reporting for the Federal Government, regardless of which service or agency acquired the information;
    9. Identification of an official accountable for the process described in paragraph 4;
    10. Identification of potential aerospace or other threats posed by the unidentified aerial phenomena to national security, and an assessment of whether this unidentified aerial phenomena activity may be attributed to one or more foreign adversaries;
    11. Identification of any incidents or patterns that indicate a potential adversary may have achieved breakthrough aerospace capabilities that could put United States strategic or conventional forces at risk; and
    12. Recommendations regarding increased collection of data, enhanced research and development, and additional funding and other resources. The report shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified annex.

What’s noteworthy in the Committee’s request is that there will be an official who will be given responsibility for overseeing the interagency process for releasing all UAP/UFO data. In addition to the intelligence community, this also includes the FBI and its ongoing investigations of UAPs.

Most significant is the Committee’s request that any breakthrough aerospace technologies possessed by foreign adversaries are included in the report. More specifically, the Committee is concerned that foreign adversaries, China, Russia, etc., have achieved technological breakthroughs in the aerospace arena that threatens US national security.

China, in particular, has made incredible strides over the last few decades in developing a secret space program based on advanced aerospace technology secrets and designs obtained from the US Air Force. In fact, the lead Chinese scientist who set up their secret space program, Dr. Tsien Hsue-shen (aka Qian Xuesen) began his career by working for the US (Army) Air Force in the 1940s, and co-wrote the blueprints for future advanced aerospace technologies based on retrieved Nazi and crashed UFO craft. To learn more about China’s secret space program, see my upcoming webinar series beginning July 11, and book, Rise of the Red Dragon (April 2020).

It’s important to keep in mind that the Advanced Aerial Threats section included in the bill just passed by the Senate Intelligence Committee still has to pass the full Senate. It then needs to be similarly passed by the House of Representatives, and finally signed into law by President Donald Trump. It’s not clear exactly when the bill will be enacted into law, but once it is, the 180 day countdown for the report’s release will begin.

Given the bill was passed on a bipartisan basis (14 votes in favor, 1 against), it can be concluded with great confidence that in early 2021, the US public will get to read a comprehensive UAP report by the Intelligence Community.

Why did the Senate Intelligence Committee include this unprecedented request to the Intelligence Community in the 2021 Intelligence Authorization Act?

According to Tom DeLonge, the request is a result of strong lobbying by his To The Stars Academy (TTSA).

The involvement of DeLonge and his TTSA in lobbying for passages dealing with “Advanced Aerial Threats” does raise suspicions over the real agenda behind the request for a comprehensive report. Is the request for a UAP report something to be embraced as the long-awaited official disclosure anticipated by DeLonge and the UFO community, or is it a limited hangout by the Deep State designed to raise money for corporate run classified programs?

In the past, I’ve raised my concerns that DeLonge and his TTSA are involved in a limited hangout and is heavily influenced, if not controlled, by compromised Deep State officials. Yet, there’s no doubt that the impending passage of the Intelligence Authorization Act with passages on “Advanced Aerial Threats” is a major step forward that carries great significance for the UFO Disclosure Community.

The fact that it is happening after a new DNI Director, John Ratcliff, was officially confirmed by the US Senate on May 21 is a very encouraging sign. Ratcliff is a strong ally of President Trump, and has the authority to put a White Hat in charge of overseeing the interagency effort to release information to be included in a comprehensive report on UAPs/UFOs.

It’s perhaps no coincidence that in a June 18 interview, Trump was asked about UFOs by his son, Don Jr. President Trump said that information about Roswell is very interesting and that he will consider declassifying it in the future. Could the Intelligence report to be issued by Ratcliff be a vehicle for disclosure of many secrets behind the Roswell crash and Area 51?

Rather than the requested Intelligence report being a Deep State orchestrated limited hangout, as contended by some of DeLonge’s critics, it can very easily become a means for White Hats in the Trump administration to officially disclose major components of secret space programs developed by its major adversaries, China and Russia.

Once the Intelligence Community releases its report on the foreign aerospace technologies possessed by China, Russia and other “foreign” sources linked to UAP sightings, the stage will be set for the future disclosures concerning the USAF’s own secret space program, which is currently in the process of being transferred to the newly created Space Force.

Ratcliff and White Hats in the Trump administration can use the requested report to disclose to the America public important truths about suppressed advanced aerospace technologies and secret space programs.

The disclosures on UAPs and UFOs that lie ahead promise to be momentous even if the original intent in the Congressional bill was to limit the report to what China and Russia have secretly developed. Predictably such revelations will lead to calls for Congress to massively increase funds for Space Force so it can quickly develop and deploy similar technologies for national security purposes.

Clearly, the November 3 Presidential elections will impact on what comes out in Ratcliff’s UAP report anticipated in early 2021. Assuming President Trump wins re-election, then he and Ratcliff will be in a powerful position to disclose far more than merely what the Intelligence Community suspects China and Russia have secretly developed in the aerospace arena.

Ratcliff’s UAP report may well be part of an elaborate plan for a decades-old USAF secret space program being covertly transferred to Space Force, and then disclosed by Trump to the American public as newly acquired technologies developed in response to the threat posed by China and Russia’s secret space programs. While such a process would be disingenuous, it would nevertheless be a stepping stone to the public release of many revolutionary aerospace technologies that could transform life on our planet.

© Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice

[Note: an Audio version of this article is available here]

Further Reading

A major hurdle was passed in the creation of a United States Space Force when a Congressional conference committee comprising members of both branches of Congress, meeting to resolve conflicting congressional bills, agreed to the legislative language authorizing its creation. The “National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2020”, contains the agreed language for Space Force’s creation, which will be voted on by both houses of Congress, and then signed by President Donald Trump.

The Secretary of the Air Force, Barbara Barrett, issued a statement after the Congressional conference committee gave its approval and said:

We certainly appreciate the hard work and bipartisan support of the Congress and the administration that is bringing a separate service for space closer to reality. We are reviewing the draft legislation and look forward to moving out smartly once legislation is passed by the Congress and signed by the President.

President Trump tweeted his approval of the agreement that had been reached and said he was ready to sign the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) that will formally create Space Force.

The House of Representatives was scheduled to vote on the NDAA today, and will be quickly followed by the Senate before being sent to President Trump for his signature to enact it into federal law.

In the NDAA, which is nearly 3500 pages long, the agreed-upon language for Space Force appears under Title IX – Department of Defense Organization and Management.

Subtitle D discusses how Space Force will be set up and run. It asserts that the relevant sections in the NDAA (Title IX, Subtitle D) authorizing Space Force’s creation will be known in the future as the United States Space Force Act. (sec.951).

The Space Force Act re-designates “Air Force Space Command” as the United States Space Force (USSF). Space Force will be located with the Department of the Air Force. This will mirror how the US Marine Corps is embedded within the Department of the Navy but remains a separate military branch to the US Navy.

The composition of Space Force is described as follows:

(b) COMPOSITION.—The Space Force shall be composed of the following:

(1) The Chief of Space Operations.

(2) The space forces and such assets as may be organic therein.

The Chief of Space Operations (CSO) will report directly to the Air Force Secretary and one year after the passage of the Space Force Act will become a member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

The present head of the U.S. Space Command, General John Raymond, will also be allowed to serve as the CSO of Space Force for the first year of its operations. This will enable Raymond to oversee the smooth transition of Air Force Space Command, which he also currently heads, into the new Space Force.

The reference to “assets as may be organic therein” as part of the initial composition of Space Force is intentionally vague.  This will give Raymond broad authority to transfer assets from the Air Force into Space Force, and also transfer relevant space assets from the Navy, Army and Marine Corps. There is also another arguably more compelling reason why the assets language was left vague, as I will explain later.

The Space Act outlines the functions and duties of the Space Force as follows:

(c) FUNCTIONS.—The Space Force shall be organized, trained, and equipped to provide—

(1) freedom of operation for the United States in, from, and to space; and

(2) prompt and sustained space operations.

(d) DUTIES.—It shall be the duty of the Space Force to—

(1) protect the interests of the United States in space;

(2) deter aggression in, from, and to space; and

(3) conduct space operations.

The above functions and duties will give Space Force direct responsibility for protecting the civilian and military satellites that are the backbone of the Global Positioning Satellite (GPS) system that the Pentagon relies upon for its modern weapons. These have recently come under direct threat by China which has developed the antisatellite capacity to destroy all US satellites as part of its asymmetric military strategy called  “Assassin’s Mace”.

Back in 2015, General Raymond warned: “Soon every satellite in every orbit will be able to be held at risk”. More recently, in January 2018, a “Top Secret” report by the Pentagon Joint Staff intelligence directorate “revealed China and Russia have built anti-satellite missiles and other weapons and will soon be capable of damaging or destroying every US satellite in low earth orbit” [source].

The defense of the US military and civilian satellite infrastructure will be among the most important responsibilities of the Space Force for decades to come. But what space assets will Space Force use to achieve its functions and duties as outlined in the Space Act?

This is where the topic of a secret space program run by the Air Force for decades becomes relevant, and why the Space Force Act contained a vague reference to “assets as may be organic therein”. This vague reference was intentionally used so the assets belonging to the Air Force’s secret space program comprising advanced aerospace technologies using exotic propulsion systems, some of which were reverse-engineered from captured extraterrestrial spacecraft, can be ‘organically’ incorporated into Space Force.

In the US Air Force Secret Space Program: Shifting Extraterrestrial Alliances and Space Force (2019), I described the different space assets possessed by the Air Force’s secret space program. These include disk-shaped “alien reproduction vehicles”; different models of the TR-3B/flying triangle craft; flying rectangle-shaped weapons platforms; and finally ring-shaped stealth space stations.

I have previously provided photos taken of some of the classified flying triangles and rectangles operating out of MacDill Air Force Base, and how this had been orchestrated by leaders of the Air Force’s secret space program. Indeed, the photographer identified personnel from Air Force Special Operations, as part of this covert space program.

All the assets belonging to the Air Force’s secret space program will be placed under the direct authority of the incoming Chief of Space Operations, General Raymond, who will ensure these are used to protect the sensitive satellite infrastructure that China is directly threatening with its asymmetric “Assassin’s Mace” military strategy.

The official creation and launch of Space Force in 2020 will be a momentous event. It will enable the official disclosure of many advanced aerospace technologies that use exotic propulsion and energy systems based on electromagnetic principles not thought viable or possible by conventional scientists. Some of these exotic propulsion and energy systems were recently disclosed in a series of US Navy patents showing their feasibility, and how they can be applied in ways that revolutionalize the aerospace industry.

Space Force will not only open the door to the release of many highly classified technologies and the aerospace craft that have been secretly built as a result, but will also pave the way to future official disclosures about advanced subterranean civilizations and extraterrestrial life residing on, or visiting our planet.

© Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice

Further Reading

The US House of Representatives passed a bill on July 14 that includes a proposal for the establishment of a Space Corps to be formed out of existing US Air Force space operations. The proposal suggests that the Space Corps have a relationship to the US Air Force that parallels the current US Navy relationship with the Marine Corps.

What makes the proposal interesting is that it is being opposed by the US Air Force and the White House, both believe such a separation is unnecessary. According to Air Force Chief of Staff, General David Goldfein:

If you’re saying the words separate and space in the same sentence, I would offer, you’re moving in the wrong direction.

Similarly, the White House released a statement saying “the creation of a separate Space Corps … is premature at this time.”

Why is Congress attempting to push through a radical restructuring of USAF over the objections of senior military officials?

For an answer, we can examine the possibility that the USAF runs a second tier secret space program, and that the “real” or “first tier” space program is run by the US Navy. Indeed, this is precisely what was indicated by British hacker, Gary McKinnon, who found a list of “non-terrestrial officers” and “fleet to fleet” transfers.

The language found on the hacked Pentagon documents is clearly suggestive of a US Navy led secret space program. Does the Navy have space fleets where such transfers are a regular occurrence for its “non-terrestrial officers”?

Such a possibility has been solidified by a number of alleged secret space program whistleblowers, which began with Michael Relfe in 2000, Randy Cramer in 2014, and Corey Goode in 2015. All three, to varying degrees, refer to a Navy led “Space Corps”, which has existed since at least 1976.

Furthermore, all three claim to have served in “20 and back” programs based on age-regression and time travel technologies, without any direct evidence to support their incredible claims. The lack of direct evidence has predictably led to many skeptics deeming such claims outlandish, “inherently unverifiable”, and calling for them to be dismissed from serious consideration.

The emergence of William Tompkins’ book in December 2015, Selected by Extraterrestrials, provided something these three alleged whistleblowers have lacked – verifiable documents pointing to the existence of a Navy-led secret space program. Tompkins’ extensive documentation has been analyzed at length in the 2017 book, The US Navy’s Secret Space Program and Nordic Extraterrestrial Alliance.

Tompkins’ material affirms that a Navy led “20 and back” secret space program exists and does use highly advanced age-regression technologies which he helped pioneer when working at the aerospace company TRW (now part of Northrup Grumman) from 1967 to 1971. He says that beginning in the late 1970’s the first working Navy prototype spacecraft were deployed.

By the early 1980’s, space battle groups were formed comprising space carriers, destroyers and related support craft, some of which were several kilometers in length. Eventually, eight space battle groups were formed that essentially replicated the integrated command structure of a modern aircraft carrier battle group.

Tompkins’ testimony and documents, along with Relfe, Cramer and Goode’s testimonies, provides an answer to what McKinnon says he saw in terms of “fleet to fleet transfers”. Furthermore, McKinnon’s “non-terrestrial officers” would refer to Navy personnel that are actively serving under “20 and back” or similar programs.

If the above testimonies are accepted, then it is quite clear that a Navy-led Space Corps has been in operation for over four decades. More precisely, there are “space marines” currently serving in space, performing similar duties to what marines have been doing under the banner of the Department of the Navy for over two centuries.

We are now in a position to properly assess the House of Representatives proposal for a Space Corps. The proposal suggests that the USAF is the lead military service when it comes to space operations. However, if we accept the testimony of Tompkins, McKinnon, Goode, etc., then it is clear that it is the US Navy that is the lead military service in space operations.

By Congress proposing a USAF led Space Corps, something that the Air Force leadership opposes, what effectively is happening is that the general public is being encouraged to follow a manufactured debate – a red herring. The idea is to mislead the public into believing that the USAF is the lead military service in space affairs, and that a “Space Corps” does not presently exist.

This is diametrically opposed to what Tompkins, McKinnon, Goode, etc., have revealed. Therefore, it is fair to conclude that the proposal to form a US Space Corps as a separate military service under the USAF is little more than a red herring aimed at distracting the public from what is really happening in deep space. The real intent behind the Congress proposing such a Space Corps may be to condition the general public to accept a future “limited disclosure” of a USAF space program, while hiding the truth about the far more advanced Navy program.

© Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice

Further Reading

Obama Report to Congress and space warOn May 26, President Barack Obama issued a report to the U.S. Congress about an interagency effort to develop an “integrated policy” to deter potential enemies in Space. Obama’s “Space Report” gives credence to secret space program whistleblowers such as Corey Goode, who claim that battles have been fought between rival secret space programs in 2015, with the most recent occurring over Antarctica in April 2016.

In a letter released through the White House Press Secretary discussing the report along with a classified Annex, Obama said:

The report is the result of an interagency process with the objectives to reduce risks to the United States and our allies in space; and to protect and preserve the rights, access, capabilities, use, and freedom of action of the United States in space.  Success will require a multi-year effort and commitment across all departments and agencies, and I look forward to your continued support. 

Obama’s letter said the report was issued to comply with “section 1613 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016″, which he signed into law on November 25, 2015.

The Act was first submitted as a Bill on May 14, 2015, and had the following section to which Obama was directly responding in his May 26, 2016, letter:

Requires the President to establish an interagency process to develop a policy to deter adversaries in space.

Obama’s letter refers to “a multi-year effort and commitment across all departments and agencies.” What provides important context for his letter are reports of alleged battles in space between different secret space programs, which began in early 2015 according to Goode.

Goode’s first public reference to battles in space was in an email interview released on May 30, 2015 where he discussed recent military conflict between different secret space programs [SSP] and their respective extraterrestrial allies both on Earth and in deep space:

Before the breakdown in the overall relations between the factions that were once united through the “Secret Earth Governments” (and their “Syndicates” known as the Cabal/Illuminati and various other Secret Societies), their Controllers (Draco Federation Royals and Ancient Earth/Human Break Away Civilizations that have deceived many and presented themselves as ET’s from various Star Systems) there has been quite a lot of chaos among these groups which has resulted in them turning on each other. This has led to conflict in various underground/undersea networked facilities that have been responsible for some of the Earth Quakes in recent months that have been occurring across the Planet Earth as well as some incidents on Mars and other bodies in the Sol System…

Goode went on to describe the result of defections to a SSP Alliance formed with the U.S. Navy’s Solar Warden program, which led to a surge in military battles, especially on Mars leading to many deaths at secret colonies:

Over the last 6 months there have also been some defections of assets from the Cabal controlled ICC [Interplanetary Corporate Conglomerate] Secret Space Program, remnants of the Dark Fleet (which is not a Draco Fleet but a Human SSP Fleet that serves alongside the Draco Alliance) that were not caught outside of the Outer Barrier as well as various other Military Black Ops SSP Program Members. Some of them brought with them time critical and actionable intelligence that was acted on by some of the SSP Alliance Leadership and their new allies without bringing it to the SSP Alliance Council. This resulted in Two Massive Attacks that caused large numbers of innocent deaths. Those who took part in what the Blue Avians called “Atrocities” were unapologetic and stated that it was the cost of war but the collateral damage was regrettable.

It is very significant that Goode’s May 30, 2015 revelations of recent space battles overlapped with the introduction into the U.S. Congress of the original bill for the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016, which requested Obama to: “establish an interagency process to develop a policy to deter adversaries in space.”

It’s worth emphasizing here that at the same time Goode was revealing the military hostilities that had just occurred both on Earth and in Space between different secret space programs, the U.S. Congress was authorizing President Obama to respond to future scenarios not dissimilar to what Goode was saying had already occurred in early 2015.

More recently, Goode claims that he received a briefing about a battle fought over Antarctic skies in April 2016, involving an attack on six large “teardrop shaped” cruisers by dozens of smaller “chevron shaped” space craft. He has provided graphic illustrations of both the Antarctic space battle, and of the location of the six bases from which the alleged cruisers launched.

Battle over Antarctica which Goode was briefed about

Battle over Antarctica which Goode was briefed about by a Secret Space Program Alliance representative

Goode was uncertain over the origin of the chevron shaped space craft, and referred to speculation among his contacts that they belonged to an “Earth Alliance”, comprising “White Hats” from different national militaries such as the BRICS nations of Russia, India, China and Brazil.

Goode also said that he was physically taken on a tour of these hidden Antarctic facilities, which he says are jointly run by the Interplanetary Corporate Conglomerate (ICC) and the Dark Fleet. He stated that the six space cruisers belonged to Dark Fleet, which dates its origin to breakaway Nazi groups in Antarctica and South America.

They were carrying Nazi-aligned global elites that had fled to South America and Antarctica over the last six months, as Goode explained in a personal briefing to me on June 15.

Antarctic_Under_Ice_Industrial_Cities (2)

Red circles mark approximate locations of underground Dark Fleet/ICC bases in Antarctica and their relative sizes

On June 18 – 19, David Wilcock gave his analysis of the informal briefings he had received earlier from Goode, and speculated that the attacking chevron craft belonged to members of the U.S. Military Industrial Complex (MIC):

Corey’s people in the SSP Alliance did not know who built the “chevrons”. It appeared to be one of the Earth-based “lower level SSP” groups. In order to give them honor and respect, I will refer to these Earth-based space program groups as the military-industrial complex, or MIC.

Wilcock says that he spoke with another whistleblower, Dr. Pete Peterson, who said that the US based MIC was given these advanced technologies by defectors from corporate controlled secret space programs:

Peterson knew all about these triangle-shaped craft when I discussed it with him on the phone. The MIC are very proud of their new weapon. It is very likely that the MIC got this technology from Alliance defectors from the space-based ICC, or Interplanetary Corporate Conglomerate.

The ICC is a faction of the SSP that started out as a part of the MIC. The ICC then became far more powerful and splintered off in various off-planet colonies. This group is completely self-sufficient, never needs money or supplies of any kind from Earth, and is effectively a breakaway civilization. The craft piloted by the earth-based MIC were nowhere near as advanced as those of the ICC or Dark Fleet, but all of that has changed now.

In June 2009, Petersen had first shared his testimony on a leading whistleblower site Project Camelot, and has continued to privately brief Wilcock.

If Goode and Petersen are correct, then it would appear that Obama’s letter referring to a “multi-year effort and commitment across all departments and agencies,” to deal with space adversaries, is not referring to a hypothetical future scenario, but is dealing with present real time contingencies involving one or more secret space programs and their extraterrestrial allies.

Furthermore, Goode claims that he was abducted on three occasions over a six week period during the months of January and February by an interagency military group with its own secret space assets, which was intent on gathering intelligence on the accuracy of Goode’s earlier revelations.

In a previous article, I discussed Goode’s June 15 personal briefing where he said that the National Reconnaissance Office, USAF Space Command and Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) were agencies very likely involved in his military abductions.

They are part of what Goode has previously described as a “lower level” secret space program, largely unaware of the more highly classified space programs operating in deep space with kilometers long space carriers and cruisers as confirmed by former aerospace engineer William Tompkins.

While at a Douglas Aviation Company think tank called Advanced Design, Tompkins says that he personally designed the first space battle groups in the 1950’s, which eventually began deployment in 1984 as the Navy’s Solar Warden Space program.

The significance of Goode’s January/February military abductions by the NRO, USAF Space Command and DIA is that these are currently gaining intelligence on the operations and technologies used in more advanced space programs, which are completely independent of the regular chain of military command, and Presidential oversight. These are almost certainly the same agencies involved in Obama’s “interagency process to develop a policy to deter adversaries in space.”

Consequently, if Goode is correctly reporting his experiences, then it would appear that his military abductions were part of President Obama’s new interagency initiative to prepare for future space battles involving unnamed adversaries.

Obama’s Space Report, and section 1613 of the National Defense Authorization Act of 2016, provide important circumstantial support to Goode’s claims that military hostilities between rival secret space programs are currently occurring. These hostilities have stimulated a coordinated response by select military departments, agencies and corporations within the US Military Industrial Complex, and their international allies – what Goode loosely describes as the “Earth Alliance”, to deal with “adversaries” who will likely be revealed in what has been predicted to be a limited disclosure announcement.

 © Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice

Further Reading

US Congress protects slave labor-650

On November 16, the U.S. House of Representatives joined the Senate in passing a bill that provides legal protection for space mining conducted by U.S. based corporations that establish off-world operations. While most Congressional members that passed H.R.2262 – U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act may have done so with the impression that they would protect the rights of U.S. companies in future space mining missions, they instead have provided legal protection to corporations that have been secretly conducting such operations for decades.

The passage of the “U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act” is significant due to recent whistleblower claims that off-world space mining by U.S. affiliated corporations have been using slave labor on Mars and elsewhere in our solar system. More recently, it has been claimed that these mining operations and associated bases, began as a result of cooperation between German Secret Societies and the U.S. military industrial complex, a relationship that dates back to the late 1950s.

If these claims are true, then U.S. corporations have been involved in slave labor practices on Mars and elsewhere, which originated with the policies of Nazi Germany. Clark McClelland, a veteran space engineer who worked for NASA or its contractors for a total of 34 years, claims he saw Hans Kammler, the same Nazi SS official involved in implementing slave labor practices for highly advanced secret projects in Germany, at the Kennedy Space Center in the early 1960s.

McCelland’s testimony supports another whistleblower, Corey Goode, who claims secret agreements had been reached with the Eisenhower administration as a result of flyovers of Washington D.C., by German flying saucers in 1952. McClelland’s and Goode’s testimonies about Nazi and German infiltration of the U.S. space program are investigated in the recent book Insiders Reveal Secret Space Programs and Extraterrestrial Alliances.

The relevant section of the “U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act,” dealing with protecting space mining was originally submitted on March 19 to the U.S. Congress as a separate bill titled “H.R.1508: Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act of 2015.”

Rather than being voted on as a separate bill, the “Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act” was instead incorporated into the larger bill, “H.R.2262 – U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act.” It was the latter bill that was passed by the House of Representatives on November 17, and earlier by the U.S. Senate on November 10.

Title IV of the U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act (aka Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act of 2015) protects the rights of mining companies willing to invest significant financial resources in future space exploration. If, for example, a mining company establishes a base on Mars, then it would have the right to exploit the resources of Mars while being protected under U.S. federal law.

Here is what the U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act has to say in section “51302. Commercial exploration and commercial recovery”:

(a) IN GENERAL – The President, acting through appropriate Federal agencies, shall—

(1)       facilitate the commercial exploration and utilization of space resources to meet national needs;

This clause raises the possibility that under U.S. “national needs” the President of the United States can provide resources and assistance to mining companies to establish off-world bases and mining. There is nothing particularly alarming here at the prospect of companies such as Elon Musk’s SpaceX being given assistance to plan future Mars missions that establish mining bases to fund themselves.

The next clause of the U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act does raise some disturbing issues however:

(2) discourage government barriers to the development of economically viable, safe, and stable industries for the exploration and utilization of space resources in manners consistent with the existing international obligations of the United States;

What exactly does “discourage government barriers” mean? This clause could be used to argue against any future government regulations as unnecessary and causing significant impediment to profitable mining operations.

For example, if a mining company was to exploit workers in slave-labor like conditions, rather than federal regulators imposing U.S. labor standards, the oppressed workers would be left hanging to seek a resolution of the corporate entity itself. 

The subsequent clause is even more alarming:

(3) promote the right of United States commercial entities to explore outer space and utilize space resources, in accordance with the existing international obligations of the United States, free from harmful interference…

What does “free from harmful interference” mean? In the case of a mining corporation imposing slave labor working conditions, this clause suggests that international organizations such as the International Criminal Court would not have the power to directly intervene. Basically, managers at prospective space mining operations would be protected under U.S. Federal Law from international organizations investigating them for using slave labor.

Finally, section 106 of the U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act specifies the U.S. federal courts as having “exclusive jurisdiction”:

 “(g) Federal jurisdiction.—Any claim by a third party or space flight participant for death, bodily injury, or property damage or loss resulting from an activity carried out under the license shall be the exclusive jurisdiction of the Federal courts.”

Basically, this means that any human rights issues arising in the mining operations of corporations with off-world bases would have to be addressed through U.S. federal courts.

The U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act raises some very troubling legal issues about future mining operations by U.S. based corporations. However, rather than a hypothetical legal problem to be debated by space law attorneys, there is testimonial evidence that space mining operations already secretly exist. Furthermore, it has been claimed that these mining operations use slave labor on Mars and other locations in the solar system.

According to alleged eyewitness testimony, an inspection of a Mars mining and manufacturing facility was conducted on June 20, 2015. In a detailed report written two days later, Corey Goode claims that he along with a “Lt Col Gonzales” (a pseudonym) were given an official tour of a facility owned by a corporation called the “Interplanetary Corporate Conglomerate” (ICC). The inspection was done to investigate claims of slave labor being used at ICC facilities.

According to Goode, a former ICC employee had defected to a rival space program called the “Secret Space Program (SSP) Alliance”, and was willing to testify in future legal proceedings against responsible corporate officials.

A Council heading the SSP Alliance made the necessary arrangements for Goode and Gonzales to travel to Mars and inspect the ICC facility. Based on what Goode and Gonzales directly witnessed, there is testimonial evidence that slave labor is currently being used on Mars to mine and manufacture products for the ICC.

It has been claimed that the findings of investigations by the SSP Alliance, against corporate and other abuses in space, will submitted in planned “crimes against humanity” trials.

If Goode’s report is accurate, then the effect of the U.S. Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act would be to give U.S. federal legal protection to the owners, managers and personnel of corporations currently using slave labor in off-world operations. Investigations by international human rights organizations, including the International Criminal Court, and the alleged SSP Alliance legal proceedings, would be effectively neutralized.

Currently, the House’s Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act awaits reconciliation with its Senate version before being passed on to President Obama for his signature and ratification. This is expected to happen quickly with little debate since the general public, mass media, and perhaps even Obama himself, are unaware of the secret decades-long involvement of U.S. corporations in off-world mining operations. 

It appears more than coincidental that at the same time as accusations of slave labor being used at off-world mining operations are being secretly investigated for possible criminal prosecution, that the U.S. Congress has passed legislation that would effectively provide legal protection to corporate officials responsible for crimes against humanity in space.

© Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice

Further Reading

Moon Meeting March 2015

On Tuesday, Dr. John Grunsfeld, head of NASA’s Science Mission Directorate told the House Science, Technology and Space Committee that extraterrestrial life is on the verge of being discovered. For many, Grunsfeld’s bold prediction was basically a pitch to the House Committee to increase spending levels for NASA’s space exploration missions, where recent successes by NASA in discovering water on other planets and moons in our solar system justifies more funding. Was his discovery prediction merely a pitch for more funding based on recent scientific discoveries, or is there a deeper ‘exopolitics’ agenda at play concerning the imminent disclosure of extraterrestrial life?

 Grunsfeld told the House Committee:

Are we alone? Many, many people on planet Earth want to know…. We are on the cusp of being able to answer that question.

 The Huffington Post gave a summary of the recent developments concerning the discovery of water in the solar system:

 There’s evidence of an interior ocean on Pluto. One of Jupiter’s moons has a global ocean beneath its crust that could contain more than twice as much water as Earth. There are at least half a dozen of these ocean worlds in our solar system alone — and where there’s water, there may be answers about the potential for life across the universe.

In addition, there was the recent discovery of a rocky exoplanet only 60% larger than earth that rotates around a sun similar to our own, in a comparable orbit of 385 days. Scientists said that the likelihood that Kepler has surface water, and therefore the right conditions for life to evolve is very good.

NASA’s recent scientific discoveries and bold predictions by Grunsfeld and other NASA officials lead to the conclusion that the public is being prepared for the imminent discovery of extraterrestrial life. Is this merely a result of genuine scientific advances in NASA’s ability to better detect the conditions for life in our and other solar system? Or is Grunsfeld’s prediction part of a deeper ‘exopolitics’ agenda driven by developments behind the scenes?

Raw Teir Eir

Illustration of Blue Avian that appeared on stage in secret meeting held on the moon in March 2015

Beginning in early March 2015, there was an alleged meeting on the moon involving up to 70 private individuals along with about 120 officials representing different secret space programs and national governments who heard plans about disclosing the existence of extraterrestrial life. The meeting was addressed by an 8ft tall extraterrestrial called Raw-Teir-Eir who belongs to an alien race called the “Blue Avians” that is part of an alliance called the Sphere Being Alliance. The Sphere Being Alliance is allegedly intent on helping bring about full disclosure of extraterrestrial life.

Two of the individuals that attended that secret moon meeting have revealed themselves to varying extents. Corey Goode, who initially used the pseudonym GoodETxSG when his testimony first emerged in October 2014, publicly revealed himself in early April. The second individual, a military officer who uses the pseudonym Lt Col Gonzales, more recently allowed  summaries of two secret space program meetings he attended in June to be released. The summaries were Goode’s notes on the oral briefings Gonzales had given to Goode who did not attend the two meetings. Goode gave video testimony of the secret moon meeting held in March that both he and Gonzales attended which is available for free online at Gaia TV.

Goode’s and Gonzales’ testimonies suggest that public officials at NASA, the European Space Agency and other national space programs have been advised that plans are advancing quickly behind the scenes to disclose to the general public the truth about extraterrestrial life. In order to better prepare the world for the psychological shock of discovering that extraterrestrial life is real and that government institutions have been withholding this for decades, officials such as Grunsfeld are very active in playing up the imminent nature of a discovery of extraterrestrial life. Presentations such as Grunsfeld’s at the House Science Committee are a good opportunity to generate media interest in the implications of such a discovery while making it appear as though the only hidden agenda is a pitch for more NASA funding.

If Goode and Gonzales are correct, then there is a deeper exopolitics agenda behind Grunsfeld’s announcement. This agenda suggests that any NASA announcement about the discovery of extraterrestrial life is preparation for further disclosures about when alien life was first discovered, when it first made contact with humanity, and why this vital information was kept secret from the public for decades.

© Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice

 

On June 15, the U.S. House of Representatives took a major step in passing a bill that provides legal protection to space mining by U.S. based corporations that establish off-world operations. While most members of the House’s “Science, Space and Technology Committee” that passed the bill may have done so with the impression that they would protect the rights of U.S. companies in future space mining missions, they instead have provided legal protection to corporations that have been secretly conducting such operations for decades. This is especially significant given recent claims that off-world space mining by U.S. affiliated corporations have used slave labor on Mars and elsewhere in our solar system.

The bill, “H.R.1508: Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act of 2015,” was introduced and referred to the Science, Space and Technology Committee by a bipartisan group of eight members on March 19, 2015. On June 15, after an 18-15 vote two days earlier in favor of amending the bill, it was officially sent to the full House for a vote in an upcoming session. An identical bipartisan bill has been introduced into the Senate by Senators Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Patty Murry (D-WA).

The Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act ostensibly protects the rights of mining companies willing to invest significant financial resources in future space exploration. If, for example, a mining company establishes a base on Mars, then it would have the right to exploit the resources of Mars and be protected under U.S. Federal Law. Here is what the proposed Act has to say in Section 51302:

(a) Commercialization of space resource exploration and utilization
(1) IN GENERAL – The President, acting through appropriate Federal agencies, shall— facilitate the commercial exploration and utilization of space resources to meet national needs;

This clause raises the possibility that under U.S. “national needs” the President of the United States can provide resources and assistance to mining companies to establish off-world bases and mining. There is nothing particularly alarming here at the prospect of companies such as SpaceX being given assistance to plan future Mars missions that establish mining bases to fund themselves. Back on November 16, 2012, SpaceX founder Elon Musk announced his plans to build a colony of 80,000 people: “At Mars, you can start a self-sustaining civilization and grow it into something really big.”

The next clause of the Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act does raise some disturbing issues however:

(2) discourage government barriers to the development of economically viable, safe, and stable industries for the exploration and utilization of space resources in manners consistent with the existing international obligations of the United States;

What exactly does “discourage government barriers” mean? That appears to be short hand for saying that any government regulations are unnecessary and could be a significant impediment for profitable mining operations. For example, if the mining company was to exploit workers in slave-labor like conditions, this would be a problem for the mining company to resolve, rather than federal regulators imposing U.S. labor standards.

The subsequent clause is even more alarming:

(3) promote the right of United States commercial entities to explore outer space and utilize space resources, in accordance with the existing international obligations of the United States, free from harmful interference…

What does “free from harmful interference” mean? In the case of a mining corporation imposing slave labor working conditions, this clause suggests that international organizations such as the International Criminal Court would not have the power to directly intervene. Basically, managers at prospective space mining operations would be protected under U.S. Federal Law from international organizations investigating them for using slave labor.

Finally, the Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act specifies the U.S. district courts as having “Exclusive Jurisdiction”:

Exclusive Jurisdiction: The district courts of the United States shall have original jurisdiction over an action under this chapter without regard to the amount in controversy.

Basically, this means that any human rights issues arising in the mining operations of corporations with off-world bases would have to be addressed through U.S. district courts.

The Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act raises some very troubling legal issues about future mining operations by U.S. based mining corporations. However, rather than a hypothetical legal problem to be debated by space law attorneys, there is testimonial evidence that space mining operations already secretly exist. Furthermore, it has been claimed that these mining operations use slave labor on Mars and other locations in the solar system.

According to alleged eyewitness testimony, an inspection of a Mars mining and manufacturing facility was conducted on June 20, 2015. In a detailed report written two days later, Corey Goode claims that he along with a “Lt Col Gonzales” (a pseudonym) were given an official tour of a facility owned by a corporation called the “Interplanetary Corporate Conglomerate” (ICC). The inspection was done to investigate claims of slave labor being used at ICC facilities. According to Goode, a former ICC employee had defected to a rival space program called the “Secret Space Program (SSP) Alliance”, and was willing to testify in future legal proceedings against responsible corporate officials. A Council heading the SSP Alliance, made the necessary arrangements for Goode and Gonzales to travel to Mars and inspect the ICC facility. Based on what Goode and Gonzales directly witnessed, there is testimonial evidence that slave labor is currently being used on Mars to mine and manufacture products for the ICC.

If Goode’s report is accurate, then the effect of the U.S. Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act would be to give U.S. Federal legal protection to the owners, managers and personnel of these corporations currently using slave labor, against possible investigations by international human rights organizations, including the International Criminal Court.

Goode’s incredible claims are currently being investigated. It is likely that the corroborating testimony of Lt Col Gonzales will emerge in the near future. In addition, Goode claims that an extensive number of documents are forthcoming that will substantiate his claims.

Currently, the Space Resource Exploration and Utilization Act has moved to the full House of Representatives for debate and a vote at its next legislative session, while the Senate will follow soon after with its own version of the bill. It appears more than coincidental that at the same time as accusations of slave labor being used at off-world mining operations are being secretly investigated for possible criminal prosecution, that the U.S. Congress is in the midst of passing legislation that would effectively provide legal protection to corporate officials responsible for such crimes.

© Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Copyright Notice

Further Reading

Congress-NASA-ETOn December 4, the House of Representatives Committee on Science, Space and Technology of the U.S. Congress held a session discussing the possibility of extraterrestrial life and what should be done to find space aliens. Titled: Astrobiology: The Search for Biosignatures in Our Solar System and Beyond” the session lasted 90 minutes. The meeting was chaired by Lamar Smith of Texas and featured three prominent astrobioligists from NASA, MIT and the Library of Congress. The questions asked by House members were rather general and vague, sometimes descending into the ridiculous. Rep. Ralph Hall (R-Tex) asked the panel: “Do you think there’s life out there and are they studying us — and what do they think of New York City?” Some members of the Democratic Party criticized the meetings as a waste of time. So why did the House hold this meeting at all, and why now?

The answer according to most astrobiologists is that the discovery of exoplanets makes it certain that there are millions, if not billions of earth like planets capable of hosting life in our galaxy alone. A recent statistical paper found that 22% of sun like stars may host habitable planets. Given the high unlikelihood that so much cosmic real estate would be devoid of life that has shown itself to be so robust on Earth, astrobiologists have basically reached a consensus that it is a only a matter of time before alien life is found. This was the observation of Bill Posey, Republican of Florida who said: “You’ve pretty much indicated [the discovery of] life on other planets is inevitable…. It’s just a matter of time and funding.” Posey and other members acknowledged that there needs to be more funding for NASA to build better space telescopes to find exoplanets and support detection programs like SETI to find intelligent alien life out there. Dr Stephen Dick from the Library of Congress challenged the current separation between detecting microbiological and intelligent extraterrestrial life, and called for a renewal of funding for SETI:

In addition to a renewed search with the latest technology, the reinstatement of funding for SETI would allow a systematic examination of these intriguing questions. It would also repair the artificial programmatic divorce between the search for microbial and intelligent life, which, despite engaging different scientific communities, are part of the same research problem. And I believe SETI would be supported by the public, which as always is interested in life beyond Earth, whether microbial or intelligent.

Earlier in May a subcommittee of the House Science Committee heard evidence of the latest astronomical findings concerning exoplanets, and the need to continue funding such research. There are many congressional members sympathetic to NASA and its budgetary needs despite the strict fiscal conservatism of the Republican Party that has led to cut backs in NASA funding. The White House has submitted a budget for NASA of $17.7billion for 2014, which is a slight decrease from 2012. It is not certain that NASA will even get this which is a worry to its supporters.

This latest Congressional meeting comes roughly seven months after a mock congressional hearing involving six former members of Congress. The Citizen Hearings on Disclosure examined evidence of a UFO cover-up and that we are being visited by various extraterrestrial civilizations. The former congressional members did not think it likely that the current Congress would take up any time soon the issue of extraterrestrial life, or at least claims of a cover-up. Yet here we are seven months later and Congress has indeed begun openly discussing extraterrestrial life, though not evidence of a cover-up.

Curiously, current members of the U.S. Congress are open to discussing extraterrestrial life in the context of the latest astronomical data provided by NASA, yet won’t hear from former NASA employees and astronauts about what they know of a cover-up. Apollo 14 astronaut Dr Edgar Mitchell, for example, has been very prominent in speaking out about the cover-up for over a decade. Indeed he testified by live video before the Citizen Disclosure Hearing. Yet don’t expect the House Committee to call upon Dr Mitchell soon to testify. The official stance seems to be that discussion of extraterrestrial life is now fine as long as it’s done in the context of NASA’s discoveries of exoplanets, but don’t discuss the possibility of a cover up by NASA employees and others. That way NASA can get funds for more efforts to find alien life somewhere in deep space, while ridiculing those claiming that NASA has already discovered ET much closer to home.

 © Copyright 2013. Michael E. Salla, Ph.D. Exopolitics.org

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